Notes on:
Thompson, G. (1979) 'Television as text:
Open University "case study" programmes'.
In Barrett, M. et al (eds) Ideology
and Cultural Production, 160-97.
London: Croom Helm
Dave Harris
The Open University (OU) has taken over existing
styles for making television programmes rather
than developing its own. They have imported
the BBC notion of professionalism, involving a
'general service' standard, a notion of 'good
TV'. The real issue is what counts as good
educational TV, and whether the OU media people
[including Bates] have penetrated this issue.
A case study for the Social Science Foundation
Course [D101] is examined as an example of a
common form. It takes a realist and
naturalist stance, a point of view that takes the
real world of experiences as privileged. Different
theories are then made available to read the
effects:
- Author theory. This
is reductionist and sees the effects of a
television programme as an expression of the
intention of the makers. This conception
is found in the programme notes for OU
students. It would be possible to
analyze this in terms of coding and decoding,
but the real point is that the author is a
constructed position, and the text is an
emergent phenomenon produced by a signifying
practice.
- [Reception theory].
The OU gathers statistics on individual
viewers and decides if programmes are 'useful'
or whatever, instead of measuring the
effectiveness of the text more directly.
The notion of the 'student viewer' is
especially problematic, and, again, it is a
position constructed by the discourse of the
programme. There is also intertextuality
[especially links with other TV
programmes]. We might expect educational
TV specifically to open up certain
negotiations with the other TV
programmes. However, we need to grasp
first the specifics of TV as a text, paying
attention to its signifying practices rather
than assuming it can be coded and decoded in
some neutral or external way. We need to
be able to read these processes including the
absences, silences, slippages and lacunae of
the text (167). There can also be
contradictions in texts.
Case study programs often offer a kind of realism,
where the real world speaks, academic intervention
is minimal, and has the role only to develop the
story. Is this compatible with
education? What about the possibility of
breaking with experience? The effects of
realism have been discussed in pieces like MacCabe's, which show
how it's possible to apply the effects of
narration, for example even if there is no
narrator, emphasizing signifying practices
again. Realism positions spectators, relaxes
them, encourages emotional identifications, and
depicts the real as unproblematic.
Case studies are usually set in work or
home. They do not attempt to transform the
meanings of the settings. Students are
treated as general viewers. Emotional
identification is encouraged rather than
cognition. OU case study programmes look
like the general service stuff produced by the BBC
[which could also explain why students do not feel
a particular need to go out of their way to view
them?] (169). Educational TV should be
providing concepts rather than experience, and to
encourage a stance that is quite different from
the everyday world. There is no 'real world'
except that which is constructed in discourse, and
the same 'knowledgeable discourse' can clearly
affect viewing.
The actual example of Programme 1 from D101
follows. It is not a strict case study,
because it also includes interview material.
In fact interviews structure the discussion of
unemployment, with an emphasis on spoken
text. [Detailed analysis follows
172f]. The main themes are the experience of
the unemployed, and a constant contrast between
past and present. The producers use existing
documentary material and extra interviews, both of
which clearly provide an opportunity for the
deployment of 'general service' codes. For
example, there are classic cuts. The aim is
to give the 'real feel' of unemployment, but
another structure also appears at the end of the
programme, implying that experience provides the
best account. The participants are not
interrogated. They stay at the level of
experience. As a result, unemployment
appears to be produced by personal and subjective
characteristics: we see unemployment as a personal
threat and tragedy, through a discussion of the
implications for families. Our emotional
responses are sought, and a couple are represented
as pathetic and inadequate, even if sincere.
The structural elements of unemployment do not
appear, even in the interview questions, leaving
an open question about what the unemployed can
actually do about it. They are then
contrasted with a successfully reemployed
character. Again, there is no examination or
criticism of this person's account. The
summing up reemphasises these tendencies, and
implies that pretty easy solutions are on offer,
such as a better redistribution of leisure
opportunities.
The programme is orchestrated by an absent
metadiscourse (179), based on neo - classical
economics. This also personalizes
unemployment, and sees it as a feature of market
forces alone. This is the only theory
addressed in the entire course unit. It is
articulated through a positivist/realist
discussion.
The visuals emphasize this structure. There
are concerned looks, the authority of a presenter
is maintained, there is an emotional use of the
camera depicting the effects of unemployment,
close-ups, for example which then back off.
There are shots of interiors or 'depressed'
exteriors for the unemployed, and positive and
energetic ones for the reemployed. The
sequence is also important, to show that failure
can be followed by success that it's possible to
reestablish order and equilibrium. This is
emphasized by the positive suggestions to gain
employment in the summing up. It is a
classic example of academic balance operating as
'equilibrium within difference' (183).
It is acceptable of course to begin with realism
and the positivist material, but it is also
necessary to disturb the viewer as well. The
programme should have emphasized intellectual
effort and rigour not just the passive pleasures
of viewing. An interrogative mode within the
programme would have helped to encourage students
to do the same (184). The technique should
have involved disassembling common experience and
then reassembling it differently. Technique
should have been deployed to show that people are
being filmed, that the programme is being
constructed and is not 'spontaneous'.
Editing also could have been unconventional, with
conscious interruptions, including replays.
Of course it is a particular problem for teachers
knowing when to intervene (185), so programme
makers should keep their options open, and aim at
particular conceptions not 'universal' ones.
There should be no neatly closed narratives.
[A shot by shot analysis ensues, 186f]
[inspiring and useful as critique -- but how do
you make a TV programme depicting structural
unemployment, without having an academic bore on
in front of camera with diagrams etc? How can
experience be used to lead to concepts? NB
Gallagher tried avant-garde formats for TV
programmes on OU students and they just rejected
them
More education studies
|
|