Notes on: Arday, J. (2022a). No
one can see me cry: understanding mental health
issues for Black and minority ethnic staff in
higher education. Higher Education 83:79
– 12 https://doi.org/10.1007/s10734-020-00636-w
[Very long.
Repetitive. Assertive. Based on CRT tenets rally
-- that racism is everywhere and is increasingly
sophisticated, covert and institutionalised. A
great deal of general stuff, quite a lot of it his
own work, before he gets to his actual study. That
is a puzzle too -- what is a study based on CRT
doing with empirical work, using NVivo, discussing
researcher bias and the like? As empirical work it
leaves a lot of questions as well. The empirical
work is pretty general anyway and tells us more or
less what the general stuff has told us -- that
BME [sic] people find it hard to discuss
health problems with university counsellors. All
university staff are in the same boat in my view!
There is a great deal of talk about insidious and
sophisticated racism -- one source is Rollock's fable,
itself heavily based on Sue's
controversial stuff -- but no-one in the sample
actually talks about it or provides any examples,
say of actual microaggressions. They might be
triggered if they talk to the researcher -- so
he can't ask them any specific questions and has
to rely on really awful general ones. He
does the heavy interpretation.
This is the second case where the absence of
evidence actually proves the case that racism is
everywhere. The other one is a study of racism in
cricket where the victims were so afraid of
reprisals that they refused to provide any
examples to the researcher: Burdsey, D.
(2011) That Joke Isn’t Funny Anymore: Racial
Microaggressions, Color-Blind Ideology and the
Mitigation of Racism in English Men’s First-Class
Cricket Sociology of Sport Journal,
28, 261-283.
https://doi.org/10.1080/1743727X.2022.2076829 -- I
must put the notes on my website]
[Note that he refers to BME communities. The
footnote explains that this refers to 'people from
ethnic backgrounds other than white British
(including black African, African Caribbean,
Asian, Latin American, and other minority ethnic
communities) with more precise descriptions used
where appropriate. There is a recognition, however
that the term BME is not universally accepted.
Although, this is the term commonly used within
the British vernacular. It is important to
acknowledge that the term BME, despite its
widespread use has severe limitations and usually
follows non-specific quantifiers such as 'most' or
'some'… Typically there's been an accepted use of
the term BME which has been illustrated in
research and government papers. Given the purpose
of this paper, this term is applied purely as a
descriptive term having been the preferred term
for most of the participants throughout this
study' The same justification appears elsewhere in
his work too eg Arday 2018a, 2021. It entirely
misses the point in Sewell, of course,that lumping
people together in this category misses important
empirical differences between them. I imagine the
impact of Sewell generally was potentially
devastating for this whole approach --
overgeneralised, relentlessly pessimistic, no
discussion of social class]
BME people continue to experience differential
outcomes in the mental health system and
experience 'the trauma of racism' for professional
and academic staff in HE 'against a backdrop drop
of cultural and organisational institutional
racism' [this is the Abstract]. There are barriers
to accessing mental health interventions that
recognise 'insidious racism'. The paper also
explores the impact of racial discrimination and
the paucity of psychological interventions dealing
with discriminatory episodes. Universities need to
diversify professional healthcare. 40 BME academic
and professional staff were studied and their
narratives [exampled]. The impact of 'belonging,
isolation and marginalisation' were also studied.
Conclusions turned on providing more diverse
mental health support and more generally how to
dismantle racial inequality.
There is an increasing pressure within HE which
has led to 'growing concerns for the mental
well-being of [all, surely] staff in universities'
(81), but some have had their experiences
exacerbated by racism and this has been lost in
the general focus. Talking and behavioural
therapies have been influential, but earlier
research [including his --2015, 2020, 2019]
suggest that BME academics get different support
especially in relation to racism and its trauma.
There is a lack of understanding about the nuances
of discrimination and racism, discriminatory and
stereotypical judgements especially concerning
'psychological symptoms or altered mental state'.
HE now prioritises mental health and wellness
[referring to his own research again] and there is
a correlation between continuous encounters of
racism and the effect on well-being. However, the
well-being of the BME 'remains an afterthought'.
There is a cumulative effect, 'discriminatory
patterns' and BME staff 'often have to navigate
the institutionally racist and inequitable terrain
of academia… A normative and casual integration of
insidious and subtle racism, in the form of racial
micro-aggressions… And hyper- surveillance'
[citing Rollock 2012] (81). This contrasts with
the lofty egalitarian ideals espoused by
universities [with a reference to his own work
again. Universities are even more complicit in
maintaining and sustaining racial inequality [his
earlier work suggests 2020].
There are implications for the student population
too [guess which work is referenced]. The Academy
needs to be more reflective in a diverse
multicultural society [ditto] so diversity in
staff and students is important to fulfil the
primary mission. Diversity helps universities
challenge stereotyped preconceptions, encourages
critical thinking and facilitates communication
and engaging effectively, coinciding with the
function of preparing individuals to become good
citizens in a complex and pluralistic society.
Continuous evaluation, diversity and pastoral
interventions are therefore essential to retain
BME academic and professional staff [ditto2019]
This paper examines the impact of negotiating
racial inequality and discrimination —
discriminatory cultures which cultivate
victimisation, isolation and marginalisation. He
wants to centre the experiences of BME staff more
generally because this voice has been omitted in
the past: 'unpacking this melanoma is paramount'
[sic]. Unequal access to mental health services
often compounds racial oppression and increases
the sense of victimisation leading to more
isolation and marginalisation, and this is a form
of oppression, a matter of 'enduring institutional
racism sustained through hostile and violent
cultures'. Universities must develop better, more
diverse pastoral services to deal with 'more
modernised and sophisticated forms of racism'. The
effects are psychological but also affect career
progression retention and contract security. Other
evidence suggests that ethnic minorities
[generally?]face an increased risk of mental
health issues.
The conclusion points to suggestions and
recommendations to diversify and modernise mental
health services, including developing 'contextual
subtlety and understanding' (82) allowing BME
staff to make sense of their racialised episodes
'as a remedial and cathartic process'.
Organisational structures and cultures within
universities should dismantle racism and
'alleviate the mental torque placed on BME staff'
.
[More general stuff on the Academy and its
institutional norms, how it facilitates racial
harassment and psychological abuse, often quoting
his own work again Arday and Mirza 2018]. Senior
leaders remain 'consciously or unconsciously
complicit in maintaining exclusionary cultures
[true ] which marginalise and victimise ethnic
minorities'. BME staff face continuing questioning
of their professional capacities. The Academy is
now a 'cauldron for knowledge production and
dissemination' and this makes it more demanding
and also 'inhabiting biases most notably against
minorities and women [2020 ditto]. BME academics
already make up a significant percentage on
precarious contracts and so they face significant
implications 'due to the fluidity of structural
racism' [the fluidity of the market I would have
thought as well] [it seems so easy for him —
universities are riddled with structural racism,
and it is those on the periphery who face the most
discrimination, so it is BME staff. However, the
presence of BME staff on the periphery is also an
indication of structural racism].
Other minorities also face 'intersectional
discrimination — individuals with disability,
women, LGBQT, and we need more research. We still
need research on the racialised experiences of
black people, however. This paper looks at the
issue of mental health.
BME mental health shows significant failing
institutional services. People from ethnic
minorities are still relatively underresearched
[generally?]. The lack of extensive networks
makes it hard to 'glean narratives and experiences
within the Academy' since so many are marginalised
and isolated [he found a way through social
media?] 'For many university staff [not just BME?]
the intensive gaze of the Academy and the stigma
of mental illness' (83) means a reluctance to
disclose and to trust pastoral interventions
[other work referenced here]. The 'perniciousness
of racism… means that there will inevitably be a
colouration between the impact of racial
discrimination on mental health and physical
health' [repeated in the next sentence] (83). A
report on the impact of racism surveying 5000 BME
employees shows that 28% of them who experienced
workplace racism 'stated that they had to take a
period of sick leave'. Another survey said that 'a
significant proportion of both men and women said
that racial discrimination 'had caused them to
leave a job' (83)[ in 2019] [HE though?].
BME staff do not trust medical research and are
less willing to participate, 'particularly for BME
University staff' (84). Research networks have not
always included BME staff. Additional barriers
might include language needs for failing to
accommodate diverse needs. This 'structural
inequality' leads to further marginalisation. We
already know that HE excludes ethnic minorities
[references include him and Mirza 2018, him 2020]
and aspects include 'hyper- surveillance, racial
micro-aggressions and a paucity of opportunities
to progress professionally '[refs include him 2019
and Picower 2009].
Navigating inequitable terrain can be mentally
exhausting and effect professional performance and
can produce 'racial battle fatigue', a term whose
remit is now been expanded to include people
beyond the USA — Smith defines it as conditions
from 'constantly facing racially dismissive,
demeaning, insensitive and/or hostile racial
environments and individuals', leading to erosion
of resilience and subsequent strength. People have
called for universities to be aware of the
implications and provide counsellors [especially
someone called Franklin 2019].
Attitudes towards mental illness within BME
communities can be restrictive, framed in terms of
developing greater resilience, or establishing 'a
greater connection with faith (religion) as the
only reliable' way to stop mental health decline.
There is also a tendency to trivialise mental
illness as frailty rather than an illness. There
is often a stigma. Overall there are several
difficulties in actually disclosing some of the
more crippling psychological symptoms [him again
2018 and others], and attempting to deal with the
issue on their own leads to further difficulties.
Pastoral services are in high demand as a result
of the sector's growth leading to a reactive
system failing to recognise the importance of
providing support. This will inevitably weaken the
ability to respond to the needs of service users.
The 'ethnic minority voice' is important 'in
considering how we disrupt dominant monopolies
which often omit discourses concerning the BME
mental health experience' [with reference to MIND
and others]. We need to glean this narrative to
provide a catalyst to reframe and reimagine
discussions. [Then a puzzling bit — there may be
only small differences in willingness by race or
ethnic groups to take part according to published
research reports consent rates in quantitative
surveys, so there is no need to change attitudes,
but instead to engage in a wider debate to
'recognise the contextual nuances of how
particular ethnic groups encounter mental illness…
a reconceptualisation [that] relies on shifting
the paradigms for inclusion, which is dependent on
a lexicon that prioritises and encourages black
and ethnic minority engagement in disclosing
experiences of mental illness', with references to
a MIND study. This is a bullshit/thesaurus version
of just saying we need to be more inclusive and
maybe use terms more familiar to ethnic
minorities?]
There needs to be better representation and
diversification within student services [refs
include him 2019]. Well-being of staff is
essential especially if there are few ethnic
minorities. Research points towards higher rates
of mental health problems for BME communities [in
general?] [Again an odd bit saying the dominant
discourse has situated BME communities with mental
health problems to receive diagnoses of mental
illness, involuntary treatment and to enter the
mental health system via the criminal justice
system, inflicting severe mental health diagnosis
through stereotypes and racial discrimination].
This has led to generational distrust and fear of
disclosing. We need a new lexicon in recognition
of this context which will reassert itself in
inequitable spaces
After all this general stuff — six pages — the
study:
14 UK-based universities, Russell group and post
92 institutions. 40 BME academic and professional
staff between 26 and 58 recruited 'from a range of
university faculties and professional services'.
They got 'semistructured open-ended
questionnaires'. [NB an odd bit repeated in one of
his other surveys -- the completed questionnaires
were deposited in a ballot box -- why? were they
then selected for some reason -- for exampling? Or
was this just scientism,because the manuals said
they should be?] There were two 'unstructured
focus group interviews and 40 60 minute
semistructured individual interviews with all
participants' (87) they explored 'lived
experiences of negotiating mental illness as BME
staff within higher education'. They got these
people 'through access to extensive BME academic
networks such as the Black British Studies Network
and academic and professional communities with a
focus on supporting ethnic minority staff within
higher education' they also used a 'purposeful
sampling process which involves recommendations
from several ethnic minority colleagues'.
'Geographical considerations and availability were
central'. 'Social media platforms are also
utilised'. 'Additionally convenience sampling was
utilised to diversify the pool of participants and
responses to ensure that the sample was
representative as possible regarding the broad
ethnic minority demographic within the sector to
be considered' [with general references] (87).
They used critical discourse analysis to see how
meanings are represented within particular
narratives concerning BME staff mental health.
[But and as well ?] 'This research adopts a
critical race theory framework to understand both
the lived experiences and structural dimensions of
institutional racism within the Academy and the
psychological impact on mental state. Such
conceptual instruments allow for critical insight
into the ways in which racism insidiously pervades
throughout the sector (Arday 2019)' [so what's it
doing using interviews? If it's using CRT, what is
there to find out?].
In the 'embryonic phase' each participant was
given an anonymous self-administered questionnaire
asking for demographic information — gender, age,
academic or professional role, ethnicity
'(according to the ONS classification)', marital
status and duration of time working within HE.
They then used excerpts from the two focus group
discussions each lasting three hours which had 40
participants — eight Asian/Asian British, 14
Black/Black British, 13 mixed heritage. All 40
were 'informed about potentially sensitive and
emotional nature of the research and were told
they were able to withdraw, especially if the
study triggered them. Mental healthcare
professionals were enlisted to help with trauma.
24 females and 16 males used. 'The overwhelming
majority of participants were the only black or
ethnic minority within their university.
The focus groups were facilitated by him using
mental health professionals to assist, all were
recorded and transcribed. Flipcharts were used to
document patterns of thoughts. A reflexive process
'ensured participants' views were clearly
documented. 'Each participant was encouraged to
discuss their experiences of racism, the feelings
that accompanied this, and self disclose whether
this had impacted on their mental well-being and
health' (88). There was a supportive and nurturing
environment cultivated.
A topic/ discussion guide was provided to
ascertain aspects of access to mental health
services at university and within the local
community [at the focus groups?] (88) — types of
service used, issues with, experiences of,
perceived barriers, and how healthcare services
can be improved. 'Broad topic guide questions
included the following: (1) what are your
perspectives on mental health? (2) how do ethnic
minorities deal with mental health issues? (3) do
you think mental health and psychological services
are made accessible to BME academic and
professional staff within universities and wider
society more generally? (4) culturally, how much
encounters with mental illness differ for ethnic
minority men and women in comparison to white
people? (5) how can the current mental
health/well-being services be improved for BME
individuals within universities in society more
generally? And (6) when you feel most vulnerable
as a BME member of staff and when does this become
exacerbated?' [What terrible questions! How on
earth could anybody answer them? They just invite
a rant]
They used thematic analysis to identify key themes
that were 'concurrent and commonly emerged amongst
the participants regarding perceived barriers to
accessing contextually appropriate mental health
services for ethnic minorities at universities
encountering racism in the workplace' [with a
reference to some earlier literature. He
familiarised himself with the scripts and notes
and then developed an iterative coding scheme
using NVivo [why bother?]. Themes and sub themes
emerged. Transcripts are then coded according to
theme. Any new themes were adapted in an iterative
process. He established 'positionality and
proximity to the research… In an attempt to
acknowledge and reduce researcher bias'. He
acknowledges that 'some organic bias may be
inherent, although all protocols were administered
to ensure objectivity… And any potential biases
were minimised through the study' [and he claims
to be a CRT enthusiast!]. Other researchers and
mental health professionals also read the scripts
and coded and analysed the data 'to enhance the
validity of the emerging themes and claims' [!]
(89). Anonymized quotes were used to illustrate
pertinent themes. He claims to have developed 'a
continual reflective process throughout, a
continual evaluation of approaches including the
limitations of researcher bias. He noted 'there
was a marked similarity in racialised experiences,
resulting in some of the interview and focus group
questions becoming "leading"'. Luckily 'this did
not greatly affect the outcome of responses', but
it is 'important to acknowledge this in an attempt
to minimise and recognise that researcher bias was
always likely due to the personal proximity
research topic' (89).
There were two 'broad interrelated themes as
barriers' to accessing mental health services,
apparently adapted from the work of Memon and
Arday 2018. These were personal environmental
factors, relationship between service user and
healthcare provider 'situated around power and
hierarchy'. There are also some themes
illuminating some of the perceived problems for
ethnic minorities.
First we have to acknowledge the services that are
generally available. There are occupational
health, counselling, psychological therapies such
as CBT and access to mental health support
charities, together with links with National
Health Service mental health provision. There are
similarities across these services and so [a
difficulty?] In an attempt to 'glean and centre
BME experiences when engaging with healthcare
professionals regarding mental health within the
University space'.
There were problems if participants disclosed
candid accounts involving personal experiences
because these could be a potential trigger for
phases of trauma, and mental health professionals
warned about this and suggested the exercise of
caution. However, all staff 'had similar
experiences of racialization… Difficulties to
varying degrees in gaining sufficient and
appropriate access to culturally cognisant and
suitable psychological intervention within their
institutions' (90), regardless of whether they
were professional or academic. The most
significant impact was 'residual trauma experience
from these racially discriminatory episodes' but
there were intersectional factors such as 'age,
gender or professional role', but [rather oddly]
these 'did not point towards positive
"differential" experiences among participants
within this particular study' [did they
amplify or get confused with negative ones?]
Let's take the personal environmental factors.
Inability to recognise symptoms and the rejection
of these symptoms by some healthcare professionals
were key factors especially for those who are
afraid of being stigmatised by professionals or
within their communities. The first example
mentions the stigma in their own culture, and the
expectation to be strong, a belief that mental
health is not to be discussed openly with either
family members or faculty, or that seeking support
could lead to a crescendo and that this in turn
would lead to suppression and further breakdown.
Social networks were seen as important and those
that were on the periphery of them experienced
more difficulties. Some talked about being
ostracised by white colleagues and being
marginalised, and being afraid of being labelled
as hypersensitive if they complained. Some
established networks with other ethnic minority
colleagues. Some saw healthcare professionals as
liable to trivialise racism or to see it as a sign
of mental illness itself. Healthcare professionals
were not always knowledgeable about the subtlety
or perniciousness of racism and those who
encountered it 'on a daily basis'. There is a need
for a safe space, although an awareness that these
could also 'become an echo chamber' simply
reliving experiences rather than helping to deal
with the issues. One reference suggests that
therapeutic spaces are safer for white people, and
that 'safe spaces within the University campuses
are often hyper- surveilled by white people with
regards to people of colour' (92). Some wanted
alternative therapies, those that were more
attuned to racism as a catalyst for mental
illness.
Some reported a fear of mental illness being
exploited by white colleagues in narratives about
professional capability or competence [managers
especially I would have thought]. This produced a
reluctance to use pastoral services, increasing
the notion of deficiency. Counselling services
were out of date. Informal support structures were
important [he noticed that in 2018] because of the
residual distrust towards healthcare provision
among host communities.
There were gender differences, shown in higher
rates of suicide among BME men. A white
Eurocentric narrative has been blamed for the
rhetoric which has not helped explain the patterns
(94) [something to do with toxic masculinity and
silencing the voices of black men 'due to societal
binaries and often negative portrayals', leading
to fears of further stigmatisation [one quote also
mentions a fear of showing weakness to colleagues
and health professionals and failing to live up to
societal expectations of hypermasculinity]
Let's turn to relations between service users and
healthcare providers, especially aspects of power
and hierarchy. The first factor was language
'particularly where English was the second
language'. This was a barrier [!]. [How many
people were affected?] The 'overwhelming
consensus' was… To employ multilingual healthcare
professionals! An example from a female Latin
American described the problems. Then there is a
repetition of the problem of stigmatisation, and a
failure to grasp that racism is now more
sophisticated, and so is mental trauma.
Several participants were frustrated by having to
constantly explain and justify 'racialised
encounters' (96) and asked for more diversified
healthcare professionals: they feared that
complaining would be used as another form of
oppression. 'Typically' there were comments about
white fragility and discomfort when discussing
racism, and the need to self censor. 'A continual
theme' was also being unable to conceptualise or
empathise with 'the systemic impact of insidious
and visceral racism' [with references to other
studies], requiring the need to modernise health
services [no real examples here].
Power and hierarchy were considered 'as oppressive
instruments maintaining inequality and inequity at
the expense of ethnic minorities'. Examples
mentioned '"patronising and condescending
behaviour from senior leaders when you present
them with a problem"', reproduced with the
healthcare professionals. Being labelled as
clinically unwell could reinforce hierarchies,
maybe even lead to being detained under the mental
health act. Greater diversification again was
required, at least to change the dynamic. Some
participants 'described a sense of helplessness
and passivity' and being assessed psychologically,
again with the need to diversify [supported by his
own work]. This was seen as racism, a
'discriminatory canon' requiring diversification,
recruiting people with experiences of dealing with
racialised trauma. Academic cultures 'were
considered to be illicit in sustaining
discriminatory environments' (98). General
exclusionary mechanisms and 'the centring of
whiteness' preserved power through privilege
'often at the expense of BME staff' [presumably,
generally, arising from one of the tenets of
CRT?].
[On the study,
much remains as puzzling. Overall,
this must have provided an awful lot of
data, even given the constraints on anything
that might trigger the punters -- hardly any
of it actually appears in this study though,
certainly not compared to the repetitive
summaries of the literature and
commentaries, many of them his. The quotes (
24 of them) are of unknown origin --from the
focus groups or the interviews? Was anything
derived from the questionnaires? While I am
here, why ask for ONS classifications for
ethnicity and then recategorise and use your
own? Were any of these quotes the results of
'leading questions'? Some of the themes like
gender and language difficulties do not
appear in the commentary (or barely) but are
not used to modify the general CRT-based
accounts, so the one chance to learn from
the exercise was lost -- so what was the
point of doing it all? Would it have made
any difference if he had left it out?].
Although there are 'contextual limitations'[and
other marvellous weasels] we should consider
exploring workplace harassment, human rights
training for selection and review committees and
diversification, especially to see if they support
'the psychological rehabilitation of ethnic
minorities as a result of encountering systemic
and structural racial violence'.
In conclusion, 'the terrain of higher education is
undeniably inequitable across several
intersections. Racism within the sector continues
to persist… Through varying and sophisticated
instruments of discrimination' this results in
different experiences of mental health services.
There is a need for targeted psychological
interventions to better support ethnic minorities
to deal with racialised experiences and to 'stay
ahead of more sophisticated and pernicious forms
of racism' [Sewell 2012 is one of those cited
here, and later Sivanandan]. Because healthcare
professionals are 'not privy to the subtleties of
sustained and systemic racism' they provide
barriers to intervention and these are 'central to
exacerbating forms [sic] anxiety, victimisation,
depression and isolation'. Universities must
invest resources to diversify clinicians to
reflect a multi-diverse university community,
remove barriers and develop more productive
experiences with more effective outcomes. This
should raise awareness of mental health within BME
communities and encourage 'health seeking
behaviour' (99), prioritising the mental health of
BME.
'The relentless, daily encounter with racial
discrimination is a nuanced and complex experience
that requires contextual psychological
interventions such as cognitive behavioural
therapy, mindfulness-based cognitive therapy or
eye movement desensitisation and reprocessing
(Lamb et al. 2012; Sewell 2012) '[blimey — ego
adjustment, not politics!]. There must be a more
diverse pool of professionals aware of the impact
of racism which should not be decentred.
Racialised experiences should not be silenced.
Intersectional discrimination should be understood
and healthcare professionals trained. Awareness
should be raised, healthcare staff diversify [for
about the 10th time], workplace structures and
cultures examine to see how they 'sustain racism'.
Experiences that threaten mental health 'are often
exacerbated by racially violent and hostile
environments within the workplace' so
institutional racism must be dismantled and nicer
spaces created.
NB I was looking for Rollock 2012 and wondering if
it was the same as Rollock 2011, on which I have
notes, but the references only mention Rollock
2016, a Guardian article oh no it doesn't — right
at the end of the references, out of alphabetical
order there is this,and I do have notes on it here.
Rollock 2011/2012 is not all that
authoritative as a source of new and sophisticated
racial microaggressions. Rollock 2016 is a short
Guardian article announcing the launch of the
Equality Challenge Unit's new race equality
initiative and the rather disappointing initial
reaction of universities to it, although she has
hopes it will help matters.
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