Quick Notes on Bartlett, L., and Vavrus, F.K.,
2017. Rethinking case study research: a
comparative approach. New York: Routledge.
Dave Harris
Chapter 1
There are to be multiple sites and scales,
including ngos and sociall movements and effects
on communies. We are to see policy formulation and
appropriation as social practice, producing actual
structures – this is the point of their case study
(3), and this is the vertical dimension [ie policy
and practie does not just flow from legislation].
The horizontal dimension shows unfolding in
distinct locations, social productions. The
transversal dimension traces the historical
dimension. The example on p3 shows the influences
on Tanzanian teachers of the push towards
learner-centred approaches from the World Bank,
national bodies, local bodies and communities and
how this evolved from one school to another, as
part of a global spread. This took place not
without contradiction and resistance. Local
factors in schools included who was funding them,
and whether teachers migrated between schools and
regions. [ie clearly a massive study!]
The approach is about comparing and contrasting as
the root of analysis, even in case studies. All 3
axes are important. There need be no exclusive
focus on qualitative methods, but the memthod is
not designedto trace causes and identify
conventional variables and relation. It focuses on
processes, iterations, emergence.
The key terms are:
Culture: a process of symbolic
production, the construction of meaning, making
sense, now with a focus on performance or
practice, including ‘strategic essentialism'
(10). There are multicultural possibilities,
and contestation. They focus on processes through
power, and avoid essentialising [except strategic
variants?], examine cultural and linguistic
repertoires and interactions.
Context: especially the integrity of
real-world situations, which can be multiple,
constituted by social activities. The concept is
like Bourdieu's notion of field, affected by power
relations. It is not just territory or networks of
social relations. There are no fixed local
communities. Scale is an important factor and the
relevance of scale should be identified in each
case.
Comparison: often neglected. Comparisons
are often variance-oriented, positivist and
quantitative, but not process-oriented. They need
to be interpretative, constructivist or critical,
qualitative. The first approach has
been dominant –eg where we attempt to control
similar cases. This can be vague and abstract
(interesting on work of Ragin pp 16). CCS looks at
‘linakges’,similarities, differences (17). One
example videod critical incidents to be analysed
by different educators. Analysis need not be
comparison between nations – it could be between
‘policyscapes’ [There does seem to be a general
theme of the the impact of colonialism, though]
Chapter 2
Problems arise when defining the term ‘case’. It
depends on epistemology and methodology and the
are differences beteen positivist and
process-oriented approaches. The positivist
approach is narrow: you identify the
variables and relations between them, the casual
factors, gather the quantitative measures, assume
a neo-positivist scientific process. Criticisms
29f - -context a problem, boundaries, strict
generalizabilty. They claim to overcome all these,
eg by allowing the case to emerge, be historical,
iterative etc, allow participants to define
boundaries [why should this be more accurate?]
Their own interpretivist approach is social
constructivist, creative, about meanings,
particularistic, unique [ungeneralizable?], so a
flexible design is required . They want to add
power relationns though ( why exactly -- what if
they are unperceived by the participants -- and
the dimensions?]), and cases are deny always
unique [they nearly admit researchers have the
power to delimit boundaries 34]. What is the
status of the generalisation that emeges from case
studies? – the ideal-type? More mundane – the
phenomenom?, ‘reality’? Often a vague sense of
holism – in which lurks functionalism and
traditional notions of culture they say (37),
rather than processual and iterative etc [So what
emerges for them -- endless process and iteration?
endless demonstration of power?]
So – their own approach is process-oriented,
emergent. It starts with ideas rather than
prespecified methods or theories, and allows for
the unexpected. It makes explicit its decision
rules. It does not impose concepts (39) [not
evenemergence or power or colonisation?]. It
researches how a sense of place has been produced.
The perspectives of actors are important,
recording partly in their terms. It must [!] also
be based on critical theory – ‘marxist, feminist
and crtical among others’ ( 39). [So the classic
problems remain of translating from one discourse
to the other -- via symbolic violence?]. The aim
is to deconstruct policy.
Supported by their ‘theory’: globalisationn has a
local and practical dimension. It can produce
unintended conseqs. It has to be reproduced.
Nation state no longer privileged.
The extended case method is rooted in anthropology
focused on’individual strategies and tactics in
everyday life’ (41), especially resistance
[Buroway rather than, say, deCerteau]. They opt
for multi-site and multi-scale analysis. Their
analysis is to be mobile ethnographic, translocal
[I think of Stoller]. Field no longer fixed etc. ANT in there
somewhere.
[Must look at the rest of it sometime]
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