Notes on: Atkinson, P. And Ryen, A (2016).
Indigenous Research and Romantic
Nationalism. Societies. 6, 34
doi:10.3390/soc6040034
Dave Harris
There is a link with decolonising
research, which is 'inextricably linked to
the promotion of IR', but the notion is
not always coherent and needs
clarification. It is classically taken to
be part of qualitative methodology.
One emphasis is that it is undertaken by
members of a particular indigenous people,
but here there are problems since this is
a category that is used selectively. The
same goes with indigenous epistemology
which is often oversimplified. Despite the
claims of the superiority of research
strategies, there often seems to be 'a
disappointing payoff', giving an
'illusory' quality to the claims of
distinctiveness and superiority.
Who are the indigenous? There is no simple
answer. The usual number of people include
North American first Nations, Maori or
Australian aboriginals, sometimes Sami or
Russian indigenous people. However drawing
boundaries around such groups is often
naïve. The Sami, for example stretch
across Norway Sweden Finland and Russia,
and in Norway they live in cities and more
urban areas as well as the more rural
areas in the North. Sami populations, Sami
policies and Sami research are thus hard
to define — we cannot assume that they are
ethnically homogeneous.
The personal stories and experiences of
researchers do not give privileged access
to grasp the experiences of others, nor do
they guarantee 'exclusive analytical
insight', and the same applies to a
discovery of ancestry: it is ultimately a
question of the quality of research not of
ethnicity or indigeneity., As some
indigenous researchers agree. Deciding who
is truly indigenous is also problematic
and can lead to 'an absurd (but dangerous)
calculus of purity' (2), as we see in the
issue of the right to vote in Norway,
which covers those who have ancestors but
who may have no knowledge of Sami
languages and practices.
Mertens at Al have explored this in their
book Indigenous Pathways, and of noted
definitions of indigenous which include
biology, blood lines, or interpretive
approaches and self-identity [cf US
approaches in Omionly and Winant]. There
is a parallel here with the early debates
on feminism. The same goes with
definitions of indigenous people linked to
invasion and colonisation, since there are
problems with migrations and other kinds
of insiders and outsiders, majorities and
minorities, and forms of social
segregation. This leads to the problems of
community. IR tends to mean 'an extremely
restricted range of groups' (3), where
there are 'many minorities that are or
have been dispossessed, oppressed and
marginalised, the language suppressed and
their independence denied'. There is a
dominance of small groups as above but a
generalisation to indigenous people in
general.
Indigenous epistemology is also
misrepresented, as is the research
strategy of the West or North. There is no
single paradigmatic orthodoxy and now
'oversimplified versions of "science", few
examples of actual research that fit,
especially with modern qualitative
research. Western paradigms for research
as an articulation of theory and
scientific methods chosen to explain and
to guarantee 'an objectivity of
research' based on Western
philosophy are a caricature. Similarly the
notion that knowledge is an individual
identity researchers are individuals,
knowledge is something that is gained and
owned by individuals. Nevertheless, this
caricature can then be contrasted with
indigenous paradigms which argue that
knowledge is relational, shared with all
creation and so on. Western scholars can
certainly endorse this relational notion
of understanding and do not adhere to
research-based knowledge as private and
personal, especially in ethnography for
example.
Bishop on the Maori points to whanau as
their epistemological framework,
emphasising kinship relatedness and local
concepts, but then sees them as universal
categories, inviting a homogeneous is
centralised indigenous framework. Kovach
also has a composite type, relational
understanding and accountability, shared
belief systems among tribal groups and so
on.
Imagined communities leave no room for
others or strangers. They create a reality
for policy and administration. Yanow
argues that there are two main types of
categories in political discourse —
'slotting', which is exhaustive and has
distinct boundaries, and 'prototyping'
which is more flexible and can work by
resemblance. The former treats elements
that do not fit as category errors. In
politics, birthplace has become a
substitute for the forbidden discourse of
race.
LT Smith
says the dominant cultural group have
defined the native in an attempt to derive
pure uncontaminated and simple definitions
so they could define the other, while the
native tries to escape the definition. The
use of binaries are used in slotting
categories. This is common in IR and the
responses to indigenous demystify and
re-centre indigenous knowledge, construct
difference, mystifying it if necessary.
One example in Hamdan suggest that Muslim
Arab women in Canada can contrast dominant
images of them with their own narratives
in decolonisation. Kovach argues that
decolonisation is welcome but decolonising
research can also be transformative within
the Western tradition as well, pursued by
white researchers., Kovacs says it can be
based on the Settler discourse, for
example. She sees IR as involving a
conversational method, all reality, the
relational and the use of stories, and
this is common, e.g. to Bishop. Narrative
as a way of knowing difference from
Western qualitative research [it's like
counter story]. However there is some
ambiguity about whether this still needs
interpretation whether the stories speak
for themselves.
Cultural protocol in IR may be impossible
to meet fully, and there may be internal
conflicts between say getting community
permission, showing benefits the
community, and avoiding information in
narratives that may do harm to the
community [by confirming colonists
prejudices? Sharing secret knowledge is
his example I think].
IR emphasises talk as the main method,
stories, sometimes consensual ones,
collaborative ones. We find similar
approaches in constructionist and
interpretative qualitative research as
well, as in Hymes modern anthropology on
Native American talk and ethnic poetics.
There is the tendency to celebrate some
primordial state, and rituals that
reflected, but this is anachronistic, even
achronic [it only takes place isolated
from ordinary activity]. Other useful
methods such as participant observation
are not emphasised, and again this leaves
out everyday activity, and material
culture.
There is already a lot of work on the
cultures of talking and listening and
other forms of social encounter which do
not require researchers to be indigenous.
By contrast, some IR is celebratory rather
than analytical, endorsing. Studies of
Australian aboriginal art are an example
here, strong on aesthetics and evocation,
weak on analysis.
The question can be asked about what is
distinctive and indigenous in IR at all?
There is often a lot of discussion about
epistemology but little on practical
methods of data collection and analysis.
There is also analysis of indigenous
knowledge and practices by non-indigenous
scholars [some examples on page 7].
Similarly there are many examples of work
by people who are not full-time academics
and certainly no positivists, like studies
of Aiken field all the Mass Observation
programme, or others.
IR has 'elective affinities with the
tradition of Romantic Nationalism' (8)
rooted in German philosophy and
nationalist sentiment, leading to
nationalistic folk studies like the work
of the Brothers Grimm, and national ethics
in Finland, Wales and England [Beowulf],
the Norwegian sagas. All this reminds us
'to be wary of appeals to tradition and
its identification with a people',
especially as all these mixed together.
Said also alerts us about 'imagined
geography and history' which to help
social actors to in intensive fire the
sense of self and belonging, and inform
the poetics of space. Romantic nationalism
said the same for particular peoples and
their spirit or culture, associated with
geography, the notion of folk. We should
be sceptical of research predicated on
these relationships of identity, which
lead to claims for validity based on
'privileged cultural knowledge,
biographically based insight, or
privileged access' (9). Sometimes,
relative claims are clear, as in Kovach,
who had to attend language classes to be
able to speak Cree [most of them were
border intellectuals in fact?]
'IR is, therefore, but one example of a
Romantic impulse that is discernible
across contemporary qualitative social
research'. The outcomes of research are
celebratory. Encounters between
researchers and informants are ones of
community and shared identity. IR is
'antithetical to many of the guiding
principles of social research in general
and of ethnography in particular', as
range worlds are not made familiar or vice
versa. Familiarity is not challenged, and
learning is not stressed. There is no need
to challenge identity or add to stocks of
cultural knowledge. Cultural change is not
only colonialism or racism.
Western research strategies are not
monolithic and can be counterhegemonic.
They contain multiple sources of critique
including feminist standpoint, CRT [!] And
critiques of colonialism. Research should
try and transcend cultural boundaries.
Work is needed to develop understanding,
not just [releasing] identity or aiming
assimilation.
On inspection, a lot of IR turns out to be
standpoint research, or action research,
not really methods. Methods that do
involve local sense making do not rely on
empathic relationships. So it is possible
to argue on the other hand that 'all
methods are "indigenous" in the sense of
being shaped by their cultural and
historical milieu' (10). Survey techniques
and focus groups, for example are
'distinctively modern technology' with
'multiple cultural roots' research methods
in social world are inevitably related
[doesn't this give too much to the
decolonising critics, however?]
The final point seems to be that IR has
not seriously challenged or informed the
links but added forms of Romantic
nationalism
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