Film
Criticism
I do not mean we should become the sort of critic who gives you their
subjective
opinions about whether Shrek II
is good value or not and if you can safely take your elderly parents to
see it. This is a completely alien notion to British film critics, but
continental film critics actually think that there is a systematic
method that you can use to understand how films work. There is a huge
amount of work on this, in fact, involving film as ideology and
deploying several substantial theoretical positions, including marxism,
semiotics, and feminism. There is one particular debate which is of
special interest, however, because it has such wide applications,
extending well beyond film itself. This is the 'realism debate'.
How are films or television programmes made to look realistic? We know
that a tremendous amount of skill goes into this. Cameras are carefully
positioned, locations are carefully chosen, specially built sets are
lit, dress and speech patterns are carefully researched, expert
academic analyses are consulted to get historical details right. But
the film making team also needs to make things look right for film, for
the contemporary audience -- too much historical accuracy (like Roman
soldiers actually speaking Latin) would make it hard to enjoy the film.
After a great deal of careful close
control, rehearsal, and the keeping of extensive records for continuity
purposes, what appears on the screen actually looks like what the
audience
would expect of, say, the Titanic's
maiden voyage, the Spanish Armada, the
Wild West, London in the 19th century, or whatever. So the first point
I want to make is that realism is based around what the audience
expects, not necessarily what is actually the case. The whole idea is
to get the audience to consent to the illusion that has been
constructed. If the film offers the right combination of familiarity
and novelty, viewers will go for it and 'suspend' any remaining
disbelief. We still do have to suspend disbelief -- that a camera was
present at the Battle of Waterloo, that people were really killed by a
shark, that John Wayne really was a centurion at the crucifixion -- and
so on.
There are other subtleties as well. Moving pictures have to be edited
together in a way that makes them look real. This is also artificial,
but cinema audiences have got used to it. Clever editors will, for
example, choose edit points so that the eyelines of the characters in
the different shots match up. They so contrive things that sound
carries on across the cuts in vision. They quite frequently follow
the '180 degree rule', that says the camera stays on the same
side when photographing characters talking or interaction taking place
-- one character speaks from the left of the screen, while the other
speaks from the right, and this is maintained throughout the scene.
There are all sorts of other implicit rules and practices -- but the
point is that the audience never notices them. There is, for example, a
conventional series of shots to make different points -- establishing
shots, two-shots, close-ups to convey emotion, all-seeing panoramic
shots and so on. All that clever work to
create the illusion of realism is invisible to the audience.
Finally, in this very quick review of film techniques, narratives are
made to add the illusion of realism. For our purposes, the narrative is
simply the story that joins together the different scenes. Again, there
are a number of conventional rules and practices employed by the film
industry, studied by the critics but almost completely unrecognised by
the audience. One technique, for example, is to have an authoritative
central narrator tell the story, as in the classic documentary. This
narrator sometimes keeps talking off-camera, while we see images that
support what he or she is saying. Other techniques include the
so-called 'factual anchors'-- eyewitnesses are taken back to the
actual locations of the events they are describing; precise dates and
times appear on the screen; expert testimony is given, and we know they
are experts because they usually appear in 'realistic' academic offices
in front of rows of books, and their titles appear on screen beneath
the pictures. The narrator makes sense of all these different images
for the audience. Sometimes even the studio layout helps --
protagonists face each other with the narrator in the middle, 'extreme'
opinions are proferred by people on the extremes of the set. There is a
booklist on these techniques if anyone wants one (email me).
This leads to the notion of a realist narrative. This technique was
actually first developed in novels, according to one of the foremost
critics (Colin MacCabe).
What happens is that we see read a number of different accounts of
events offered by different characters. These can sometimes be
completely contradictory, arising from opposed points of view. However,
there is one privileged account which makes sense of all the other ones
-- the narrator's again. In novels, it is sometimes the all-seeing
author who breaks in to tell us which characters are to be trusted,
what they are really thinking, why they are behaving as they do, or why
we should believe some rather than others. In films, there is sometimes
a narrator, but more commonly it is the director who is the narrator,
and he or she tells the story. Not explicitly, of course, but by using
the camera and the screenplay.
What happens is that the various confusing accounts are eventually made
clear -- some characters have been misled, some are lying, some are
genuine but ignorant of the complete picture. Only we the audience see
the complete picture. This gives us some privileged knowledge over the
characters themselves. To take an obvious example -- we know the bad guy is lying
because we have already seen
him committing the foul deed. It also delivers a pleasurable sense of
having
gained some knowledge of reality -- we have seen through the lies, and
the confusions, and we now know what the case is. This is the
'knowledge effect'. We can come to the view, after a realist film, that
one of the characters is right, or, more subtly, that reality is
complex enough to sustain several views. Hollywood films generally
confirm our 'common sense', maybe in 'ideological' ways. We know the
Vietnamese were unscrupulous child-killers. We know that even
intelligent businesswomen will give it all up for love. We know that
black people have unnatural athletic prowess but are unreliable in a
crisis.
A couple of popular film genres can be used to illustrate this notion
of a realist narrative which delivers a knowledge effect. The classic
detective story is the easiest. We see a lot of different characters,
and, at first, any one of them could be the murderer. We then follow
each character through, listening to their account of what happened,
and sometimes seeing some of the events 'for ourselves'. We can
sometimes even be shown things that none of the characters know
about! In the final scene, the detective reveals all -- but the
clever viewer has long begun to suspect the truth by following the
clues strewn around the film by the director. Some critics have
suggested that the detective story especially empowers women who can
read the emotional language of the characters' 'looks and
glances' better than their male counterparts.
Lots of other popular films also follow this kind of realist narrative,
however. In the classic James Bond film, which has been much analysed by the
critics, there
is no narrative tension as in the detective story -- we know that Bond
will win in the end. However, we do not know how he will achieve his
goal and this produces little mini-tensions. As the story unwinds, we
are given lots of chances to see characters plotting against each
other, and to see how Bond eventually manages to prevail. British male
viewers are particularly likely to find pleasure in seeing Bond rely on
British virtues of improvisation, charm, resilience and determination,
and on the male qualities of facing down male opponents while resisting
the charms of female ones. Citizens of other countries are not so
fortunate, of course -- Americans have lots of money but little skill,
Russians are simple souls, either committed communist fanatics or
corrupted by the mafia, (North) Koreans are fanatical killers. These
values are confirmed as worthwhile
and 'realistic'.
It is this confirming of common sense that has made a number of radical
critics very skeptical about realism as a technique. Realism plays to
the gallery. However, it also flatters the audience. As they follow the
clues, hints and guidance offered by the narrative, they can even come
to imagine that they themselves have seen the point, and uncovered the
truth about reality. But this knowledge is an effect of the clever
structuring of narrative.
There is particular feminist variant of this analysis too, by Mulvey. Mulvey argues
that classic
film narratives typically privilege male points of view, while
pretending just to be natural or neutral. The most obvious way in which
this is apparent is that when women do appear on film it is usually as
(narrative) supplements to the male characters -- as 'love interests',
to fill in the emotional background, to explain the passion and
commitment that the male characters reveal, to personify the threats to
male motions of discipline and social order, and so on. Male viewers
find it very pleasing to see women being depicted in this way. In the
most explicit case, male viewers find it sexually tantalising to take
the point of view of the camera which shows women behaving as if they
are unaware of being observed. This pleasure involves the viewer, who
also then embraces the underlying male narrative.
What has all has to do with argument and policy, I hear you ask? Well
one possibility is that the realist narrative is not confined to films
or novels, but to other kinds of story- telling as well. I have myself
attempted to analyse popular academic strategies in terms of their
following a realist narrative, especially in social science (see this file) .
What happens is that a
lecture or journal article commonly begins by outlining a number of
contradictory theories or approaches: this is the convention of
academic debate or 'balance'. Then the privileged theory or approach
finally appears, following the story favoured by the particular author
or speaker.
A common variant in academic work is to begin with theories that had
had their day in the past, but now are to be replaced by some more
recent account. One that I particularly analyzed is favoured by a
particular species of marxist (I call them gramscians), who want to say
that lots of sociologists and historians have begun to study a
particular problem, but have only got so far. These sociologists and
historians can be congratulated and patronised. In order to complete
the analysis, we now need to consider gramscianism. A more
philosophical variant explains that classic divisions between
approaches in sociology can be reconciled by stepping back and taking a
more complex view of the social totality. When you read or listen, you
can walk away thinking that you have perceived something important,
glimpsed some complex reality that seems to make more sense. In
practice, the rival accounts have already been depicted in such a way
that gramscianism can hardly fail to triumph. Usually, the narrative
structure offers the reverse of what has actually happened -- in
practice the other accounts have to be rendered as flawed or inferior
versions of gramscianism first, and then the story can be run as if
that is a natural or obvious conclusion. Indeed, if all works
well, you, the reader or listener, will be able to anticipate that
conclusion before it is actually stated -- you then think that is
'your' knowledge!
I have mentioned above televangelism as
offering a classic narrative structure to
involve and bind
the
audience An excellent analysis of the structure of educational
television by Ellsworth also
notes the realistic narrative put to use in structuring complex
materials. In addition, an excellent critique of ethnography (by Clough) argues
that
ethnography also uses realist writing techniques of various kinds to
deliver its own 'knowledge effect'-- after reading ethnographic
accounts, you are prepared to accept them as realistic ('authentic').
Analysing these
writing techniques offers a deep insight into how empirical data and
rival accounts are carefully managed so as to let the privileged one --
the ethnographer's account -- appear as plausible, valid, and
expert. The analysis
also reveals the pleasures induced in the reader by techniques like
balancing the familiarity with the strangeness of the culture in
question, or questioning some of our prejudices but confirming our
knowledge of 'human nature'
Can we apply this to policy, as well as to
academic research? Clearly, we could have a crack at any promotional
videos (including web-based animations etc) and ask questions like
- Is there a privileged discourse here and
if so,
who carries
it? What is the role of the narrator ( if there is an actual person),
and how is their authority established and maintained? Are there
any reconstructions, for example, any experts or witnesses? How is our
'common-sense' included in the narrative? What 'knowledge effects' are
delivered?
- Is this discourse gendered (or does it
favour
any other
particular dominant group like white people). Are members of less
powerful groups seen as objects for the narrative or do they have a
narrative role of their own? Are they 'gazed' at and, if so, is this a
source of pleasure for the viewer (who might be looking at various
'exotics' for example)?
Writers of conventional documents might well
lack the
creative skills of novelists or film-makers, but they will often be
much practiced in making reports readable. At the very least, you might
want to examine techniques deployed in policy statements to make them
seem 'realistic'. Documentary photographs, perhaps, or bits
of talk with the actual people involved? 'Factual anchors', using
precise dates, times and details? Citation of experts? Arguments which
allow for then build on our 'common-sense' understandings? Realistic
effects like these might be
ways of involving readers, getting them to suspend disbelief, and
getting them to confirm the authenticity of the analysis.
Above all, what about the narrative? Does it set out to offer a number
of views of the problem and its solutions before carefully developing a
privileged account? Is the reader being led towards support for a
particular policy or development all along? Are the alternatives
presented as fair and reasonable options, or simply as 'straw
men' in order to make the chosen perspective look the most
'realistic' one? How are we involved in the story -- which of our
'common-sense' beliefs is being appealed to, and what are we expected
to 'discover' at the end?
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