READING GUIDE
TO: Durkheim, E. (1961) Moral Education, New York: The Free
Press of Glencoe, Inc
There
is an
excellent
introduction by Wilson which summarises the main themes in the book. For me those main themes are the paradoxical
nature of individuality and its deep connection with social rules and
social constraints. However, all the main
sociological
concepts are invoked, from types of solidarity to the work on suicide
[not so
much on religiosity, although the general outlines of a secular
sociology of
religion are important].
This
book
is a collection of
Durkheim’s lectures given to would-be teachers at the Sorbonne
(remembering
that schoolteachers are often pretty high powered academics in France). As a result, they are excellent examples of
clear exposition and argument, taking on some common conceptions about
children, and offering detailed advice about how to run classes as well
as
summarising sociological themes. They
are refreshingly non scholastic.
The task of managing this paradox of
individuality is the central one for the education system.
Reading it fairly recently again, I was struck
by the similarities with Dewey, despite the rather different
philosophical
backgrounds involved.
Chapter 4
This
is
where things really get
going, after some preliminaries in which Durkheim reminds people that
social
order is the main issue, and that individual freedom requires social
order,
even though making that point to teachers looks as if you are
supporting
traditional formal education. However,
restraint is essential if the personality is to develop, and rules are
required
so that we can master ourselves—without discipline and the control of
desire we
will never be properly happy, because we will never attain our goals. As a
result: ‘The rule, because it teaches us to restrain and master
ourselves, is a
means of emancipation and freedom’ (49). In
particular,
educators must help children
establish realistic
unattainable goals, and ‘the important thing is to discover a goal
compatible with one’s abilities’ (49).
There
is an
argument that human
nature itself requires constraint, since it is only through constraint
that we
can possibly achieve satisfaction of our desires. As
societies
progress,
the capacities of
their citizens also increase so that ‘The normal boundary line is in a
state of
continual becoming’, and no abstract morality can fix it (51). Nor can discipline simply be imposed or left
to develop automatically. Of course,
progress can come through deviants. Initially,
we
can think of the essence of morality
as not so much
content but form, and it follows that moral action is action that is
not
directed to the immediate gratification of the individual.
This is a point against utilitarians in
particular. It does not take long to
realise that ‘Moral goals, then, are those the object of which is society. To act morally is
to act in terms of the collective
interest’ (59). It can’t be anything else
because there is
nothing else except human individuals and groups.
However,
if
societies
are to act
as moral agents, they cannot just be seen as groups of individuals. They must be seen instead as sui
generis [entities in their own right] . This
is
a practical point
supporting Durkheim’s theoretical arguments. The
qualities
of societies emerge and cannot be
reduced to back to those
of individuals—‘a combination of elements presents new properties that
do not
characterise any of the elements in isolation’, with the example of tin
and
copper producing bronze (61). When human
beings get together and interacts, new ideas and feelings
emerge—‘everyone knows how emotions and passions may break out in a
crowd or
meeting’ (62). And of course societies
outlast individual members, and so do propensities for particular
social
activities such as ‘crime… suicides,
marriage, even… comparatively low
fertility’ (63).
Chapter 5
An
empirical argument appears—for
people have always considered action directed towards others to be
moral, and
‘Egoism has been universally classified among the amoral traits’
(65). Societies have moral functions, and
must
appear as different from individuals. Here,
‘society
[is] a psychic being that has its own
particular way of
faults, feeling and action, differing from that peculiar to the
individuals who
compose it’ (65) [odd 'group mind' stuff?]. It
has
a collective
personality, just as organisms develop lives of their own even though
they are
comprised of cells. However, social
goals must relate to individual goals if individuals are to respond to
morality: it is not just a matter of societies being useful to us. Human nature requires that we become involved
in society. When we are not involved,
suicide rates increase – '[a man] [male nouns and pronouns throughout
as was common in those days] destroys himself less frequently when
he has
things to concern him other than himself’ (68). Egoists
make
a mistake when they try to abandon
social obligations—‘it
is from society that there comes whatever is best in us, all the higher
forms
of our behaviour’ (69) including language, religious ideas, and science.
There
are
three actual groups to
which we belong, the family the nation and humanity.
‘There is no necessary antagonism between
these three loyalties’ (74) [conservative functionalism, and identity
thinking,
where the nation and society are equated]. It
emerges
that the most general of these—mankind—is
too abstract to be
a realistic active group, and that ‘The state is actually the most
highly
organized form of human organisation in existence’ (76), although even
larger
formations may exist in the future. As
it is, the nation should be the focus of our efforts, and we should get
it to
commit itself to more altruistic goals. This
expanded
notion permits a broader notion of
patriotism.
Chapter 6
Societies
are
made
up of we individuals,
even though it transcends us. Societies
therefore must symbolise morality [and again there is a dangerous
identity
between society in this sense and the nation state—‘if one loves his
country,
or humanity in general, he cannot see the suffering of his
compatriots—or, more
generally, of any human being—without suffering himself’ (83). Social
ills such
as alcoholism or suicide require social
treatment, ‘the collective organization of welfare’, which is also a
moral duty
(84).
Both
personal discipline and
collective ideals are part of the same interest in morality, ‘two
aspects of
the same, single reality’ (85). Morality
is in fact made by society, although much of collective life is
invisible to
us. Again, historical comparisons showed this to be the case, that ‘the
morality of each people is directly related to the social structure of
the
people practicing it’, and ‘each social type has the morality necessary
to it,
just as each biological type has a nervous system which enables it to
sustain itself’
(87). Collective beings exert a
compelling collective authority, a powerful morality, which exerts
pressure on
individuals—‘a voice that speaks to us, saying: that is your duty’ (89). This is not God or any other transcendent
being: ‘When our conscience speaks, it is society speaking within us’
(90). This must be the case, because
only authority rising above individuality, immune to individual action,
becomes
authoritative. The fact that certain
beliefs and sentiments appear to be compelling arises because they are
‘closely
bound to the very core of the collective conscience’ (91).
There are genuine social forces underneath
what appear to be abstract rules and systems, and the best creative
religious
individuals have simply identified themselves with these forces [back
to the point about creative deviants]. There
is
a connection between what is good
and what is necessary.
Without
this
understanding,
concepts
like duty and morality remain entirely abstract. As
a result, they are unlikely to affect
children in particular. Education should
not just rely on emotional involvement, but should
proceed
through reason: ‘if one limits himself to repeating and elaborating in
emotional language such abstract words as duty and good, there can only
result
a parrot- like morality. The child must
be put in contact with the concrete and living realities, which such
abstract
terms can only express in the most general way’ (94).
Chapter 7
It
follows
that moral education
requires ‘Education through direct experience’ (97) [here, the school
becomes a
moral community, possibly in an identitarian way].
It is not enough to stress mere duty, nor
merely what is good as a basis for morality—both are connected
together, ‘two
aspects of one and the same reality’ (99). Historically,
one
impulse or the other might come to
the surface,
however. In the current circumstances,
where ‘collective discipline in its traditional form has lost its
authority’,
we must try and ‘sustain this feeling for discipline in the child’
(101), but
by developing morality, involving people in collective ends. New ideas of justice and morality may emerge,
but in the meantime ‘we have to develop a spirit; and this we have to
prepare
in the child’ (103).
We
have to
develop a rational
commitment to morality, dispelling with Gods and other myths, and we
can use
all the normal techniques of rational education to do so, as a ‘simple
scientific and logical enterprise’ (105). There
need
be no eternal and unchangeable laws,
especially in fluid and complex
societies.
Morality
is
based
on something
real, as Kant argued. Morality must
triumph over individual will, but not by squashing individual freedom. Morality constrains us because we can only
deal with immediate individual interests, but we can only see this
through the
use of a reasoned will. Once we realise
this, we can become rationally committed to morality.
Kant’s mistake was to attribute this kind of
applied reason to a transcendental realm, a ‘metaphysical conception,
which can
only mislead us in our thinking’ (110).
Chapter 8
Because
it
is
complex, moral
elements look external to our will, and that looks like a form of
dependency. There must be rational
grounds for moral obligations. Left to
our own devices, we would pursue ‘individual, egoistic, irrational, and
immoral
ends’ (112). This is seen best in the
development of real autonomy. Sciences
liberated us from many of the constraints of nature.
We need to liberate ourselves from our own
nature as well. ‘Conforming to the order
of things because one is sure that it is everything it ought to be is
not
submitting to a constraint. It is freely
desiring this order, assenting through an understanding of the cause’
(115). But if we understand the reasons
for morality, doesn’t this strip it of its authority?
Not necessarily, because we can still
recognise the [transindividual] need for constraint.
We can
understand why we act in
the way we do, and this is the only realistic autonomy.
We are social creatures. Morality
does
exceed
our individual will. We need
to have a wide understanding of this
and how it affects our conduct. In this
sense, we can come to freely desire the existence of social
rules—‘willing
acceptance is nothing less than an enlightened assent’ (120). [Compare with Althusser on this] We
must
explain this to children in
schools. Of course this would be a
secular morality, denying any unknowable elements.
Morality
consists
of
essential
ideas, although ‘morality has its own realism’ (123).
That is it is based in social reality.
Children need to be able to understand social
reality in order to play their part in social life.
This position reconciles individual interest
and social duty—‘it is in submitting to rules and devoting himself to
the group
that he becomes truly a man’ (124). Teachers
must
be interested in this complex reality. Morality
cannot
be reduced to a formula or to
a series of myths.
Chapter 9
The
child
psychologist Sully has
developed some useful insights here, especially about how scientific
rationality
develops in children. There is an
argument that these stages can be detected in ‘early man’ as well
(131)—fleeting interests, ready emotions, lack of discipline and so on. Children’s emotions temporarily disable their
rationality, especially anger. The trick
is to encourage progressive development of rationality.
Luckily this is possible because children are
creatures of habit and open to suggestion (134). We
must
build
on this ‘great receptivity to
suggestions of all sorts’ (139), and hypnotism can help us understand
this—children adopt
a passive stance in front of the teachers, while the mind is relatively
unformed. Later on, the ascribed
authority of the teacher becomes decisive. [A
strange
experiment is cited, that looks rather
like the Asch
conformity test, teachers authoritatively deny the correct answer and
persuade
children to agree, page 141].
Chapter 10
Natural
predispositions
of
children
have to be reinforced by the organization of the school.
School develops the work begun in
families, and make it more abstract and impersonal.
School rules are not just a matter of
excessive regulation imposed on children for the teachers benefit: ‘It
is
[should be?] the morality of the classroom’ (148).
[The whole discussion here reminds me of
Parsons’s account, based on his pattern variables, that suggests that
the
school was the first place that the child encounters the values of
industrial
society—specificity, universalism, achieved status and the like]. The role of the teachers to maintain such
discipline to prevent immorality, and its excess: ‘A class without
discipline
is like a mob’ , and ‘genuine demoralisation sets in’ (151). On the other hand, the conscientious
discharge of obligation ‘is the virtue of childhood, the only one in
accord
with the kind of life the child lead at that age, and consequently the
only one
that can be asked of him’ (151).
Children
themselves
welcome
discipline—‘Each
one is in his place and finds it good to be there’
(152). The absence of discipline means
childish
confusion [anomie?] —‘one no longer knows whether this is good or bad,
whether this
should or
should not be done, whether this is permitted or as illegitimate. Hence a state of nervous agitation’ (152).
School
discipline should be
extended but need not be universal, for example, it should not
excessively
control ‘bearing, the way they walk or recite their lessons, the way
they do their written work in their notebooks, etc.’ (153). This would only compromise the moral
authority of the teacher, while instant submission ‘destroys all
initiative’
(153). Teachers should therefore
restrain themselves in the name of moral education.
Teachers
are
needed
who are
decisive and authoritative, but they must really feel they are acting
in the
name of moral authority. They should not
rely on fear, and nor should ‘arrogance, vanity or pedantry’ dominate
(155). Teachers should convey the
impersonal nature
of their authority, rather than seeing it as a personal quality. They should make it clear that they are also
subject to rules and obligations. This
is a difficult view to uphold, but essential.
Chapter 11
Personal
conviction
underpins
moral
authority, and this can transmit itself to children [in a kind of
amplification spiral, rather like religiosity, page 159]: ‘the effects
act
on the cause and intensify it'. There
need be no regimentation, but discipline should not be buried beneath
‘a sugary
facade’ (160). ‘Everything in life is
not beer and skittles; the child needs to prepare himself for exertions
and
hardship… It would be a calamity to
allow him to believe that everything can be done as though it were
play’
(160),
although children need to be introduced at this idea carefully and
gradually.
Should
there be punishment in
schools? Not if it is aimed just at
preventing misbehaviour, or takes the form of revenge or expiation. It must have a moral function, designed to
uphold the inviolability of morality, to buttress conscience. To this end it is important simply that
misbehaviour is met with disapproval.
We
should
not just let
misbehaviour run on until it meets its natural consequences, the theory
‘attributed
to Rousseau’ (168), although Rousseau says it should apply only to
strictly
physical education. Spencer also
believed that bad actions should just be left to attract bad
consequences—but that
depends on children seeing the connections between acts and
consequences, and
this can be unlikely in complex societies. Educators
must
intervene to point out these
consequences.
Chapter 12
The
trick
is to persuade children
to accept authority and act out of respect for it.
Punishment has only a limited role.
It is the teacher who is crucial.
Some authorities, such as Tolstoy, see school
discipline as artificial and unnatural, and argue that spontaneous
curiosity
and interest will suffice. However, this
is contrary to history, and will not work in a complex society [hints
of
organic solidarity here]. It is natural
for ‘the milieu’ to react to transgression (181). Thus
the
best
punishment expresses most
disapproval ‘in the least expensive way possible’ (181), to reaffirm
obligations. Thus there is no need for
corporal punishment [Durkheim supports love withdrawal, the
orchestration of the
disapproval of others]. Corporal
punishment is ‘repugnant’ (183), barbaric. Even
pre-industrial
societies tend to treat their
children very gently,
and harsh treatment probably emerged first in the middle ages.
Chapter 13
Excessive
violence
in
schools in
the middle ages probably arose from a culture clash between the
educated elite
and the masses, or between Europeans and the Colonies.
Cultural superiority produces ‘a veritable
intoxication, an excessive exaltation of self, a sort of megalomania,
which
goes to the worst extremes’ (193). The
culture clash between educated teachers and their charges must not be
permitted
to develop that way, however, and a tendency to violence must be
resisted in
favour of patience. Nevertheless, ‘There
is then, in the situation of school life itself, a predisposition to
violent
discipline’ (195), which is why it is necessary to develop a strong
‘contrary
force’—moral opinion, especially when turned into public opinion. Without this, schools turn into
despotism. It is necessary to prevent
schools becoming isolated from wider society, developing a ‘too
narrowly professional
character’ (197). We must resist harmful
punishments and encourage helpful and effective ones.
Concentrating
delinquent
pupils
into
one particular class or stream is also likely to be ineffective,
since
‘There always prevails a latent spirit of disorder and rebellion’
(198), and a
tendency for teachers just to control. Punishment
always
runs the risk of reducing
legitimacy, and ‘cannot but
to contribute to future lapses’ (199). The
same applies to laws more widely. Punishment
should
range across a scale, from
disapproving glances to
public disapproval, but generally, ‘the higher in the scale punishments
are,
the less economical they are; the usefulness is increasingly out of
line with
the loss of force that they entail’ (200). Punishment
should
neither be immediate and angry,
and nor excessively
cold and impassive.
The
same
problems beset systems
of reward, which are designed primarily to reward intellectual prowess
rather
than moral development. In the wider
society, rewards are not as detailed or widespread as punishments, and
so
schools need to adopt a similar regime. It
is partly because moral behaviour is simply
expected—moral behaviour
takes place without any anticipation of regular reward: ‘Were there a
price tag
on such behaviours, they would promptly acquire a degrading commercial
air’
(206). The true reward for moral
behaviour is contentment.
Chapter 14
Altruism
is
a
real force, as
widespread as egoism, although they are normally thought of as opposite
tendencies. It is common to see egoism as
somehow natural, while altruism only develops with culture and
education. However, there are also
disinterested activities, such as ‘the desire to know and understand’
(209). Hatred can also be disinterested. Egoism can also be self-destructive. Some egoism even aims at suffering—such as
‘the taste for melancholy… What is it if
not a certain love of sadness?’ (212). [Anecdotal
or
literary examples leading to massive
generalisations
here].
So it
is
not the search for
pleasure that drives human action in any egoistic way.
We can be driven by personal goals, or by non
personal ones, including allegiances to social groups.
There is no abstract difference between
egoistic and altruistic motivation, but simply a matter of orientation,
whether
the action stops with the individual or overflows them (214). It is a matter of focusing on different
objects. External objects get
internalised by representation, as when we get attracted to
persons. ‘Thus, we have egotism embedded
in altruism;
conversely, there is altruism in egoism. Indeed,
our
individuality is not an empty form’
(215). It is impossible to live ‘a purely
self
centred existence’ (216). Thus ‘egoism
and altruism are two abstractions that do not expect in a pure state;
one always
implies the other’ (217).
All
this
means that children are
not necessarily naturally egoistic or selfish, and that they are
capable of
altruism [homely examples follow, backed up with some from Sully].
Chapter 15
The
school
environment plays an
important role in moral education, especially in acting as the first
secondary
group, away from the primary intimacy of the family [with more echoes
of
Parsons—actually the other way around of course]. In
modern
societies,
schools are a crucial
intermediary between the family and the state, especially since other
intermediaries have now disappeared—‘provinces, communes, guilds’ (232). This follows given the centralisation of the
French State under the monarchy, and then under the Republic. This centralism produces a moral crisis,
since people need to be bridged into collective life.
Schools
are
a
first experience of
such collective life. At the moment, in
France, families seem to be the core of life, with a reluctance to join
any
particular associations. It is not the
same in Germany. There is only an
illusory collective life in the salon. Groups of the past cannot be revived, so new
ones
need to be developed. They cannot be
imposed. Schools play a crucial part here.
Chapter 16
We
must
revive moral unity
through collective life. The most
important duty for the school is to encourage a collective life and to
help
people enjoy its benefits, including solidarity, mutual aid and
comfort, as
found in some religious minority groups.
Teachers
should
always
encourage
children to think in terms of ‘the class, the spirit of the class, and
the
honor of the class’ (241). They should
encourage collaboration and discourage ‘destructive sentiments’ (242),
and take
every opportunity to let children ‘sense their unity in a common
enterprise’
(243). This can include emotional
reactions to literature, history, school events, collective proverbs
and
precepts, collective punishments and rewards, collective
responsibilities:
‘for example, the teacher might make an inventory of everything
accomplished—good and bad—during the week, sum up notes and
observations made
from day to day; and, on the general impression that emerges from this
summary
he could grant or withhold certain rewards from the entire class’ (245). [Sounds like some American practice I have
read
about, where points are awarded for particular collective activities,
including
supporting the local team].
In
particular, the school needs
to promote rational morality, an awareness of social realities [social
forces
as Durkheim sees them]. It must combat ‘oversimplified rationalism’,
where only
the most obvious and self evident impressions perceptions are accepted
as valid
(250). Descartes is blamed for this.
Reality is much more complex, especially social reality, which people
tend to
reduce to the isolated individual as the only real object.
The teaching of science is the best way to
combat this view.
Chapter 17
We
have to
reverse the tendency
to see the complex as illusory, as fundamentally made up of simple
things [and
Descartes comes in for some criticism again—he has deeply influenced
‘the
French mind’ (253)]. There is a tendency
to overemphasise analysis in the very language we use, and to miss the
impact
of the totality. The trends are found in
French literature. We want to celebrate
rationalism, but without simplification.
Complexity
is
as
real as any
other. It is best understood as a
combination of simple determinations—‘there is always a real cause for
the
apparent complexity; and the effects of the cause are themselves real’
(255). Combinations of simple elements
‘release new properties which each of the component elements by itself
would
not present’ (256). This helps us avoid
social atomism. Of course society has a
real existence, because it is able to appear as important to
individuals. It also resists simple
attempts to alter its
character, as when politicians attempt to tinker with it.
Rousseau
can
be
seen as the
theorist who particularly asserted the reality of the individual, and
saw
societies simply as a combination of the individual wills in the social
contract. The Revolution discovered the
problems with that view, and could not see how to forge a social order
from
individual will. A proper view of the
social is required in order to guarantee social order, and
simplifications must
be opposed, beginning with the child. Teaching
of
science can contribute here, not
mathematics, which ‘are
simplistic by principle and by method,
but physical and natural sciences’ (261).
Children
must
see
how science has
developed from a long process of experimentation and hypothesising. They must see that science is
provisional. That there is a need for
observation and exploration. That is the
only route to link ‘the simplistic workings of our minds and the
complexity of
things’ (262). Unexpected findings offer
another good example. Biology can also
help in showing that complexity has its own effects, in particular in
giving
life to complex organisms. Complexity
must not be overdone in case it leads to mysticism and ‘obscurantism’,
especially religion. Is necessary to
show that ignorance can be progressively reduced and there is no limit
to the
growth of knowledge. In this way, science actually encourages morality.
Chapter 18
Teaching
of
science is far
more important than teaching art and aesthetics. Contemplating
an
artistic
work does help our
preoccupation with the self: ‘When we awaken a taste for the beautiful,
we open
the avenues of the mind to disinterestedness and sacrifice’ (269). However, we are not investigating reality but
ideal objects, and we are operating with feelings and emotions rather
than
rational inquiry. There is no resistance
from objective reality, and ‘the realm of art diverges from that of
moral life
since it departs from reality... We must
see people as they are—their ugliness and wretchedness – if we want to
help
them.’ (271).
Art
engages
the imagination, it
is a game, but ‘Morality, on the contrary, is life in earnest’ (273). Of course, games and leisure are important,
and the values of arts education will help children avoid unworthy
leisure: 'In
itself, leisure is always dangerous' (274), and art guards against
‘debasing’
leisure. However, science is far more
important, and the better we understand reality the easier is to act
morally.
Then
there
is social
science. So far this is too unsuitably
developed to be taught in schools. History
is much more promising, since it helps
children to realise that
society 'is real, alive, and powerful' (275), and how contemporary life
depends
on what happened previously—seeing 'social life inexorably moving in
its own
direction despite the endlessly changing composition of its personnel'
(276).
We
must
instil in the child
'collective consciousness'—'it is not enough to make him feel the
reality of
it. He must be attached to it with his
whole being' (277). Children must be
provided with an ‘intellectual and moral framework distinctive of the
entire
group' (277). The school must organise
this methodically, and in accord with 'the French character' (278),
although
some aspects must be resisted, especially Cartesian thinking. We must celebrate the universal ideas
associated with French thought, cosmopolitanism intellectualism, and
our
contributions to the general good of humanity.
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