Notes on: Robinson, T. Narratives of High –
Attaining African Caribbean Boys: Perceptions of
Peer and Family Influences in Education
Educational Psychology Research and Practice
Volume 6, Issue 1, 2020.
Dave Harris
There are few studies that focus on this group's
achievements. The usual factors are racial
identity and masculinity. This one looks at seven
high-attaining African Caribbean boys aged 14 to
15 in terms of how they perceive peer influences.
There were given two narrative interviews, using
'Gee's structural linguistic narrative approach'
which also, apparently helps you identify the role
of the interviewer in constructions narrative.
Overall, the findings suggest that peers have some
influence although family influence is stronger.
Positive aspects of peer relationships include
being 'emotionally and practically supportive and
helping boys' motivation to study'. They used
'multiple and complex strategies to manage their
relationships' including 'strategic self
presentation' they also drew on 'family racialised
narratives' (1).
There is a review of literature emphasising peer
influence, dating from Coard 1971. The group does
seem to be showing gains in educational
achievement especially between KS 3 and 4,
although categories of achievement can influence
this [with a reference to Gillborn]. Institutional
racism and teacher perceptions have also been
implicated. The Aiming High report (2003) focused
an overrepresentation in exclusion rates and
special schools and vulnerability to crime. A DfES
review in 2006 'supported the view that racial
inequalities exist in education and that Caribbean
boys find "street culture" and anti-academic
lifestyles persuasive'. The educational context
seems important. By contrast, Black Caribbean
success is under researched and there are few
studies. There seem to be a theme of managing peer
group pressures (in Sewell, T. (2001). Behaviour,
race and inclusion. Emotional and Behavioural
Difficulties, 6(3), 167–185. https:
//doi.org/10.1080/13632750100507666), so how do
some achieve at all?
Socialising with peers and maintaining friendships
is time-consuming and important for development.
Schools offer a matrix of social networks and
flexibility. There is some documentation of peer
effects in academic outcomes [referenced page2] as
well as health-related behaviour and risk-taking,
and psychopathology. Peer rejection can lead to
internalising problems. Individuals can be
oriented towards either mastery or performance,
learning of a task or competition to demonstrate
competence. There should also be a connection
between self and environment, competence and
control in order to increase motivation for this
therefore means social appraisal, favourable
comparisons, and this is where peers 'can be
instrumental'.
The 'dominant discourse' is that adolescent peers
'have negative effects on academic achievement'
but they can have positive influences and can
influence how pupils feel about school and even
affect their attention and participation
[referencing Cotterell 2007]. Attitudes can also
vary with social group membership. The usual
finding is that 'peers have a strong force that
can affect individuals' aspirations attitudes and
behaviour', and Sewell in particular 'implicates
peers as an important influence [Sewell, T.
(2000). Beyond institutional racism: Tackling the
real problems of Black underachievement. Multicultural
Teaching, 18(2), 27–33.]. There is however
some research that suggests positive influences.
However, the need to be 'respected, to be popular,
uphold preferred reputations in line with "cool"
peers' can overwhelm expectations for behaviour
and achievement, which leads to a dilemma.
Sometimes this produces 'affective dissonance' by
high-achieving Black students which can even
'sabotage their own success' especially anxieties
'around masculinity and racial identity'.
Performances of masculinity are often seen to be
'constructied in social interactions', leading to
positioning in relation to '"hegemonic
masculinity"' depending on the resources
individuals can draw on. One mediation is gender
and this also affects relationships with peers.
Lots of commentaries have suggested that views of
Black masculinity are 'circumscribed' embodying
'"machismo' and that this 'pathologises Black
boys' responses to school experiences' [citing
Wright et al. this time 1998] (3). They actively
contribute 'through hyper- masculine behaviours
which include rejecting academic values and
schoolwork, the orientation to which is seen as
feminine' [3 references again).
Others manage. Black females, for example navigate
between different peer groups to negotiate their
academic success, playing down their achievements
with some groups, sharing success and supporting
peers who were 'like-minded and successful'. This
help them resist peer pressure and Black
stereotypes. [Males too] Some of their peers also
developed 'a healthy sense of competition'. In
other cases 'a strong sense of racial identity can
positively impact on self esteem and subsequently
affect educational work ethic and goal
achievement… Being able to identify with the group
can either exacerbate or buffer the effects of
discrimination'. It is those without a healthy
sense of racial identity that are 'more likely to
surrender to negative pressure'. This has led to
recommendations like equipping Black pupils with
'problem solving and conflict resolution
strategies to overcome difficult peer interactions
and reduce some of the social barriers to their
achievement [some of these are in Sewell 2001].
The parental relationship is also important and
support here means adolescents are better able to
cope with challenge. Some writers have argued that
Black families develop '"respectability status"…
to counter the negative assumptions and ideas that
are projected onto them'. Some Black youths are
able to disprove negative stereotypes as a result.
Sometimes these are passed on historically to
produce 'a strong culture of close funding,
academic orientation… and resilience' [the
ellipses indicate references]. Black youths with
'"vigilant maternal intervention"' get support for
academic focus and aspirations.
So she set out to research achieving Black boys,
as they were undertaking social processes. She was
interested in a holistic account, not just their
individual characteristics, which is why she chose
a narrative methodology [and did a PhD
originally]. She looked at perceptions 'through
the narratives of high attaining African Caribbean
males', trying to understand their experience
'within [qualitative] educational psychology
research'. Specifically she asked whether they
consider that their experiences and relationships
with peers had an impact; how they managed peer
relationships; how they dealt with family
narratives.
It was a 'qualitative case study design,
positioned within a critical realism ontology' [?]
(4), with seven pupils [!] in one outer London
comprehensive, with at least one African Caribbean
parent, who had achieved level VII in KS3 SATs in
maths English and science. They were interviewed
individually for an hour on two occasions three
months apart and the second was adapted. She used
Gee's Structural Linguistic Narrative Analysis
which has five levels:1. 'Organising and
restructuring transcribed data into stanzas,
strophes and parts using transcribing
conventions'.2. Exploring and analysing linguistic
markers that convey meaning making.3. Analysing
main and subordinate plots.4. Identifying the
'"psychological subject" within narratives and how
they are positioned.5. Interpreting themes in the
data within interview data 'and across them'. [not
much detail follows]
On asking whether experiences and relationships
with peers impacted their education, all the boys
said they had good friendships in school based on
common interests and views about education. They
had selected their own friends considering their
future prospects 'and their potential to boost
their own chances of success', which 'complements
research'. All saw themselves as similar to their
closest peers, 'having "the same mentality",
sharing similar characteristics and behaviours.
However, in contrast to other research… The boys
had differentiated peer groups, maintaining
friendships with both high attaining and less
academically successful peers'. One felt that this
particular 'mindset was influenced by family
members and teachers'.
Generally they felt that they were 'motivated and
inspired by their friends… Peers provide models
for learning behaviours and academic engagement…
Role models… Motivating them to achieve' (5). Some
wanted to help those who are less academically
inclined. Others referred to 'affective benefits…
Security and reassurance' especially in critical
times like transition into secondary school, or
being overloaded. They did refer to 'negative
emotional states' like stress or excessive
challenge, but social support from friends also
help them cope here. They also seemed able to
'self disclose' and not be 'less relational in
their friendships than girls'. There was also
'practical support with revision and homework...
Openly given and received… Opportunities to engage
in peer mediated learning', above all 'a culture
in which friends could show pride in their
academic achievements. There are also motivated by
models who inspired and spurred them on, 'in
sports and the arts as well as academia'. They all
thought friendships were important.
They all 'but one subscribe to hegemonic masculine
competitiveness, sharing positive perceptions of
this', and saw competitions important in academic
attainment. [but mastery-oriented it is
implied] They had aspirational benchmarks
and this provided 'impetus and motivation to
continually improve and surpass their friends'
attainments', and orientation towards performance.
Others 'might have masked failure at occupying
hegemonic masculinity', however, and 'resisted
engaging in such practices' [quite so]. Some
narratives reveal that 'insecurities in peer
relationships can make pupils reluctant to attend
school', especially on transition. There were
other negative peer influences, like distractions
in lessons, disengagement and disaffection,
although they were 'able to vicariously learn from
friends' negative experiences' and were deterred
'from engaging in similar negative behaviours'.
They were confident in themselves as individuals
and in their own abilities and this 'may further
be protective against peer influences'.
They all felt that family relationships were a
'buffer for the potential influence of peers,
especially their mothers' role. Their attachment
security 'was 'positively correlated with equality
of peer relations and popularity'. Siblings could
also offer 'emotional support and advice to help
manage negative influences'. As a result, 'peer
influences in adolescence education is a much more
complex story than has been theorised' (6). For
success, 'support, monitoring and interest of the
family [may] need to be salient'.
Two of the boys had met teachers who had had low
expectations and had 'either negatively
stereotyped them with other Black boys or set them
apart as exceptional to this group'. They had
responded by 'acting in ways to change them. This
included distancing themselves from lower
achieving Black friends' [so is this conforming to
teacher expectations or proving them wrong?].
On investigating how they manage their peer
relationships, they all 'adapted their behaviour
to fit in and be socially included', negotiating
different public identities and social positions,
as noted elsewhere. Two of the respondents were
aware of these performances and 'purposefully
created characters themselves and occupied
different social positions different ends' [one
acted dumb among some of his friends at lunchtime
or break time, but realised that in his class, he
was often sought out for advice]. Another kept his
intentions to study from a peer group where he had
'acquired status for being the "baddest"' [is this
inversion though?] — he could not be honest about
studying, denying, for example that he was going
to the library, or that he had been seen there. He
described this as 'juggling'.
'Distance and separation' were obvious strategies
to manage peer pressures, including those to smoke
and become involved in gangs. There was also
'strategic self presentation to manage teacher
perceptions as being academically achieving, and
peer perceptions as being relatable and popular'.
One talked about skilful management and having
'acting skills', for example 'masking his feelings
of stress and anger, a strategy to preserve his
hard earned reputation as popular and "having it
all"'. Some use their physical attributes — 'an
athletic build, being tall and strong' -- as
'automatically presenting them as hegemonic'.
All the boys shared their families' narratives
about education, including their grandparents,
struggles on getting an education. They talked
about family members as being strong sources of
influence in other ways. They 'learned vicariously
from both their positive and negative experiences'
(7). One related grandparents' stories of racism,
success and failure, the traditions of resilience
to slavery, evidence that some of them 'use both
"bonding" and "bridging" social capital to
maintain strong kinship ties and act with a sense
of collective good' [in this case, role models for
ethnic identities]. Mothers were particularly
influential in sharing 'family members' successes
and failures with the boys and orienting them
towards academic success'. One boy described his
family's fatigue from having to work long hours
because they had had low academic attainment and
he wanted to avoid the same.
Overall, there are both positive and negative peer
influences. Schools might provide support
themselves when pupils experience social
difficulties, such as during transition. The
strategies that the boys use are complex and
'effortful' but this can lead to stress and
intervention might help. 'This research has merely
scratched the surface in presenting the
challenges', although narrative might be a more
useful approach for educational psychologists. All
should be mindful 'of the complexity in African
Caribbean boys' experiences'. There should be
exploration of cultural and family narratives
about educational achievement, as well as teacher
stereotypes and discriminatory practices, and 'a
wider more inclusive curriculum which 'would
endorse positive ethnic identities and may support
pupils' resilience'.
Limitations are acknowledged, especially a
possibility of 'over interpretation and sense
making in people's narratives' and a reliance on
'individuals recollections and willingness'. She
is not claiming that the findings are
generalisable. Nevertheless she recommends further
research including replicating the study with
underachieving boys.
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