Notes on: Reilly, W. (2022). The New Definition of Racism. Can we find a way out of Mr Rogers's neighbourhood? Commentary. https://www.commentary.org/articles/wilfred-reilly/racism-ibram-x-kendi/

Definitions matter, for example on whether '"rape" is a fair description of essentially consensual sex facilitated by alcohol or drugs, and later regretted' (28). Debates about human agency often involve the question that we know that people make decisions at the conscious level, but that these are affected by genetics and experiences — so are we correct to call that free will? Post-modernism often gains an advantage in these debates — 'speaking less than half jokingly — they have all the English teachers on their side'. Some of these fights matter a lot in political and social terms: one is the fight about the concept of racism. There's been an attempt by people such as Kendi and DiAngelo to redefine the concept and their campaign 'leaps from the semantic into the substantive' (29).

For Kendi, racism is not just outgroup bias, but a system that produces 'disparate outcomes between or across racial and ethnic groups'. He thinks are only two possible explanations for measurable differences in performance, say in standardised testing. First, there must be a form of racism within the system, 'no matter how hidden or subtle. Second there must be some actual '(I read him as meaning genetic)' "inferiority) on the part of the lower performing group. Disparities are 'de facto evidence of racist discrimination'. The logical implication is that anyone who argues against the first explanation must agree with the second one. In other words 'simply to argue against "antiracism" is to identify oneself as a racist'. For those who agree that either one or the other might apply, Kendi says we should all agree to fix our racist system by forming things like a 'Federal Depatment of Antiracism', to ensure proper representation across all fields of American enterprise 'regardless of performance'.

This has become a globally popular argument, despite being 'easily disprovable'. Claiming that the only factor that might explain group differences in performances, genetic inferiority or hidden racism, 'is simply wrong as a matter of fact'. If the claim is that temporary cultural underperformance demonstrates genuine inferiority across an entire race, that too is wrong.

'Serious social scientists' [he cites Sowell, Williams, Wilson and Ogbu] have pointed out that large human groups differ in performance because of dozens of variables — culture, including hours of study time per day, but also 'environment, region of residence and even stochastic chance (or luck, to state it more plainly)'. Another important independent variable is age: the most common modal age of black Americans is 27, but 58 for white Americans. The modal age for Hispanics, 'across all regions and among both males and females' is 11. These differences 'are certain to be reflected in measured group outcomes'.

Geography is also important. 'Near majorities of both American blacks and Hispanics still live in the south or south-west, but a far smaller percentage of whites live in the same region' meanwhile 'test scores for all groups living in those regions have traditionally been lower than for those elsewhere in the country'. Any analysis of group outcomes, whether wealth and income or crime rates must take obvious factors like these into account or be 'dishonest or wilfully ignorant'. If they do, the results seem 'intuitively obvious to most thinking people' because these variables 'explain group performance gaps far better than "invisible racism" does'. An economist [J O'Neill] allows for the effects of past oppression, but argued decades ago that the sizeable gap in raw income between blacks and whites 'shrinks to just 1 to 2% when adjustments are made for variables such as test scores, median age, and work experience' [of course these might be affected by racism]. A business data company came to similar conclusions when discussing race and gender pay gaps — '98% of the gaps in question vanish when we adjust for basic nonraced variables [but are scores nonraced?] such as "how old people are" or "what scores on the big test look like this year"' [American stuff, hard to understand --the big test is a national aptitude test?]. (30)

On the face of it, this seems to be an airtight case against theories of systemic racism. The usual counter is a 'God of the gaps argument'. This is where the secondary metrics reflects some 'still deeper and more dispersed form of racism', standardised exams are culturally biased against blacks and so on. This was argued in the 1970s and we hear it today — 'they are both wrong'. Mathematics developed historically in 'multicoloured Mediterranean and North African regions' we also 'know what predicts test scores: they track closely with patterns of study time for members of all racial groups. This has been the core "culturalist" argument against IQ hereditarians… For decades' [I don't recall any UK research on this].

The 'liberal centrist Brookings Institution produced an article in 2017 showing that 'white high school students study nearly twice as much as black high school students with Hispanic students falling in between the two'. Reasons for this include 'social class, family stability, the prioritisation of other activities such as athletics, and — no doubt — the effects of racism in the past'. Grades and test scores follow the same pattern. Asian students outstudy and thus outperform all white groups. Theories such as Kendi's cannot explain this, unless he wants to argue that US society is somehow biased towards Korean, Indian-American kids or Jews.

There have been some attempts to disguise this confusing reality. For example, some have attempted to 'formally reclassify Asian-Americans as "white" in official documents' [no references]. The simplest explanation is that the same set of variables,  'influenced by past and current bias but also by many other things' currently deliver minority groups who can beat whites and others who cannot. They also might explain the distribution of white income in the USA, where Australian Americans take in 200 to 300% more in income than poorer Appalachian Americans. The only 'woke response' to these points is to 'move the causal focus of the original argument back one step' again, and call 'anyone who still disagrees with them a racist'

Overall, the new racism lacks a coherent causal mechanism. For example Alexander argues that black and Hispanic overrepresentation in the criminal justice system is down to bigotry, not that group crime rates explain the gap in incarceration rates. To explain different group crime rates it would be possible to argue that 'some form of subtle racism must explain' those — but how does that work? If it is a matter of social problems, those often afflict working-class whites to the same degree, and why did not the same influences work on 'genuinely abused black folks in the past' [if I have understood his statistics, nonwhites made up 24 to 27% of sentenced prisoners even in the 1930s, but they make up 52% of non-Hispanic prisoners today]. The social problems mechanism seems ineffective for 'virtually all African and South Asian immigrants in the US today': in 2018, 'all Asian-Americans combined — including dark skinned South Asians — committed just [!] 127,651 violent crimes in the US versus 2,531,480 for non-Hispanic whites and 1,087,895 for the smaller black population' (31). That is a violent crime annually among Asians for every 153 citizens, one for every 79 white Americans. It also seems from a 1998 study that nativeborn black Americans are more likely to be incarcerated than black immigrants, but nobody seems to know why.

The Kendi argument does not survive logical analysis. So what does racism mean? For Reilly, what it has always meant — 'genetically or ethnically based animus against members of a human outgroup… The belief that genetic race "accounts for differences in character or ability" and that "one race is superior" to one or more other races and it is almost always combined with dislike, prejudice or "discrimination" [he takes this from The Free Dictionary]. This means it is 'a practical phenomenon can be quantified and opposed. Significantly, it is 'a vice that members of all races are capable of, and that is often expressed at the level of the individual'. Statistical analysis at the systemic level often shifts the focus away from 'most actual and demonstrable manifestations of racism — the slurs, fistfights, and muggings, and the simple refusals to promote someone "not quite like us"'. If we revert to the old definition we can see the range of individual statements and attitudes stating inferiority are racist and we can focus on opposing them.

Performance gaps alone are inadequate and we should look instead at 'proven discrimination'. We can measure this in a number of ways. There are some racist laws or policies that are still 'facial' [referring to complexion?]. Some statutes still seem to treat people of different races differently although they are otherwise identical — '(urban marijuana laws might be an example of this)'. We might choose to be sceptical of policies that produce 'large pre-adjustment racial gaps' without any necessary purpose, and this is currently being debated in a string of legal cases referring to aptitude testing as a workplace qualification.

The fashionable arguments about racism are 'only detrimental to that fight' [against bias]. These are arguments that claim that significant racism exists because they have defined things as significant racism. It seems to mean that the United States is some sort of Korean supremacist country, because Korean Americans seem to enjoy 'outsize success'. We must make words mean something, ideally what they classically meant in this case. There is a danger that definitions will change away from these classical ones — for example 'Merriam-Webster revised its definition of "racism" in 2022 include "systemic racism"'.

[A rather nasty personal note to end on] Kendi was born with the surname Rogers. We ought to leave his intellectual neighbourhood and get back to 'consensus reality before the real meaning of the word becomes a cultural artefact'.