Notes on: Reilly, W. (2019) Hate Crime Hoaxes and Why They Happen. Commentary April 2019 https://www.commentary.org/articles/wilfred-reilly/hate-crime-hoaxes-why-they-happen/

[Very challenging/courageous stuff here.One or two arguments extended too far]

A black gay actor, J Smollett, claimed that two masked assailants yelled homophobic and racist insults, declared that this is MAGA country, beat and kicked him, put a noose round his neck and poured liquid over him before he managed to fight them off. This took place in Chicago during a polar vortex [!]. The whole thing became a celebrated cause among progressive politicians and celebrities. Sceptics were attacked on social media and in the press as deniers or perpetrators of prejudicial hatred. A month later, Smollett was charged with filing a false police report. 'The whole thing was allegedly a hoax '.

'Our nation is not wracked with hate crimes… I have done a great deal of research on hate crimes… An enormous number of such incidents reported over the past decades turn out to have been hoaxes'. Early incidents that he investigated involved the burning to the ground of a gay owned lounge in Chicago, and reports of death threats by hate group members at a university in Wisconsin. Other apparent hate crime cases occurred shortly afterwards. A particular student had criticised the University of Chicago administration 'for allowing "racist" Halloween costumes on campus' and later alleged that a reactionary group, ' the"UChicago Electronic Army"' had hacked his Facebook group and posted racist and violent messages. In Detroit a female student claimed that her door had been defaced with graffiti including the phrases '"black bitch", "die N***r" and "F**k black history month'. In 2015 a student was expelled after 'allegedly threatening to "shoot all black people… tomorrow'. Serious hate crimes were reported at another college in Wisconsin and in Minnesota.

However, 'most of the hate crime allegations eventually turned out to be false'. The fire at the gay lounge 'had been intentionally staged to look like a hate crime'. 'Almost all the incidents at Wisconsin turned out to be the work of a disaffected student… who claimed that she had wanted to test how seriously the university took racism'. The student who said he wanted to shoot black students had actually said he wanted to shoot them '"a smile"' but had been 'intentionally misquoted and reported'.

Reilly actually assembled 'a fairly large database of hate crime allegations — 346 of them — which he found by searching online and eventually confirmed that 'fewer than 1/3 of these cases could even possibly have been genuine hate crimes'. A genuine hate crime: would 'never [be] exposed as a hoax and never [be] discovered to have been committed by a person or group different from the person or group originally alleged to have committed it'. 'A majority of these incidents, which were almost all initially reported with a great deal of fanfare and breastbeating, were later exposed as hoaxes', although this got very little exposure in the press. The headlines vanished and were replaced if at all by 'low key rueful acknowledgements that a hoax had taken place'.

He also spent three weeks in 2017 searching for fake hate crimes and hate crime hoaxes. There is already a website called 'fakehatecrimes.org'. He found 409 confirmed cases of fake hate crimes, all of which had received 'substantial regional, national, or global media coverage'. He is not taking a position on what exact percentage of them are hoaxes. That would be impossible to calculate — how many interracial fist fights were classified as hate crimes, how many led to convictions, how many were dismissed based on the belief that the allegation was a false one.

However, a book published in 2017 — The Campus Rape Frenzy [usual casual references] suggest that estimates of the percentage of false rape reports range from 2% to almost 50%, depending on whether we are talking about official determinations that the allegation was false and hostile in motivation, or whether it could or could not be successfully prosecuted. A reporter from the Washington Examiner offered a third estimate — 15.6% of rape allegations are false or baseless and another 17.9% are not substantial enough to be legally prosecuted [very dubious ground here of course. Are these related to hate crimes?].

It is clear that 'the actual number of hate crime hoaxes is indisputably large'. He found 400, the website found another 341, and a further researcher found another 300, in the pre-Internet era. Official FBI records document 5850 in 2015. If fewer than one in every 10 [hoax?] hate crimes is nationally reported 'and thus is a candidate for these datasets, it seems indisputable that hoaxes make up a very large chunk of the pool of widely reported hate crimes, and quite possibly the pool of all reported hate crimes' [not at all sure I follow the reasoning here — you could quite easily argue the opposite, that there is a dark number of both unreported and real hate crimes. Not only that, he is comparing his totals gained over several years with FBI records in one year].

A special team at the University of Wisconsin–Lacrosse investigating hate responses conceded that 28 of 192 recently reported bias incidents were hoaxes or had not occurred at all — 15% rate of false reporting, 'almost certainly represents a gross underestimate' given that they responded to matters such as '"discovery of a Campus Crusade for Christ poster on campus" and "a blog post about life as a white student" as legitimate non-hoaxes'.

False hate crimes have a cost. They probably increase hostility between blacks and whites. They might even ferment more real hate crimes. Why would anyone fake hate crime — 'fame, profit, and the advancement of a political ideology'. There is 'a large and well entrenched grievance industry in the United States'. The Southern Poverty Law Centre, considers organisations such as the Family Research Council and the Jewish Political Action Committee as '"hate groups"': it has an income of $51.8 million a year and an endowment of $432 million. Black advocacy organisations are also large — Black Lives Matter had 332,368 followers on Facebook in 2018. Civil rights groups did considerable good during the civil rights movements, but today they 'have a deep rooted interest in presenting the sort of bigotry they fight as a serious ongoing problem… in order to continue receiving donations and funding'. 'It would not be wild speculation' [weasel] to suggest that one in every $10 spent in business 'interacts in some way with an affirmative action or minority set-aside program' and of course these also have advocates. So the false report of a hate crime rallies support.

There are 'sizeable payoffs for reported victimisation, real or false', despite institutional racism having been illegal since 1964 ['most forms'], and affirmative action the 'unofficial law of the land… Since 1967', a consistent theme of 'modern social–justice activism is that the United States remains a "genocidally" racist nation'.

There are claims that black people are '"criminalised and dehumanised"' across all areas of society, justice and education systems, social service agencies, the media and pop culture, that civil rights laws and policies of affirmative action are 'toothless shams'. As a result, apparently 67% of African-Americans believe that if a black student and a white student were to apply to the same university with the same grades and the same SAT scores the white student would be given preference, although preference for the black one is 'undoubtedly the more likely outcome under the current dispensation: a recent case 'awarded undergraduate applicants 20 full points for being black or Hispanic, in contrast to 12 points for a perfect SAT score, four points for legacy status, and 20 points per one unit increase in GPA'. A black applicant with a GPA of 3.0 was as likely to get into Michigan as a white applicant with a perfect 4.0, and more likely than a white legacy student with GPA of 3.0 and perfect SAT'. This is 'a large racial preference.'

This policy has unintended consequences, for example 'huge gaps in preparedness between minority and white students at virtually every level'. Black students 'find themselves struggling in the Ivy League… where their GPA and test scores are, on average, lower than those of their white classmates' [sneaky revolving door stuff?]. There is a 'resulting gap in success between white students and non-Asian minority students'.

False hate crime allegations 'provide support for the metanarrative of majority group bigotry. However, this example of an unintended consequence of affirmative action is one consequence of several cases where 'affirmative action increases hostility among racial groups where ever it is implemented' [supported by Sowell 2004 Affirmative Action Around the World: An Empirical Study]. Those not affirmed resent the boost. Many members of the favoured races resent the fact that their accomplishments are suspected, say by prospective employers. Resentment and hostility is increased.

Fake hate crimes are have sometimes led to real atrocities, as in the blood libel against the Jews. [He goes as far as saying] 'the current epidemic of hate-based violence in the United States is mostly an epidemic of hoaxes, and any "race war" going on today exists only in the minds of a few radicals', but there are signs of real hostility. Some hate crime hoaxes are increasingly being perpetrated by white members of the alt-right.

There are a variety of forms. College and university campuses were hotbeds when he was doing research and 'literally hundreds' of hoaxes took place on campuses. Some examples were almost unbelievable — one Twitter account carried multiple disturbing messages threatening to kill blacks, which led to accusations that the President had not done enough, and led to massive demonstrations with eventual bills of more than a hundred thousand dollars. Eventually it was all traced to one computer, whose owner had led anti-administration protests in the past. In another case a noose woven from rubber bands was found on campus, flyers were posted around campus threatening black people, but most of the incidents were eventually traced back to 1 black student — the only one whose name was spelt correctly on the list of targets: she claims she was doing it to prod the campus away from racism. Flyers were found on another campus, which turned out to be posted by the Bias Response Team itself as part of a social experiment. Sometimes white hate groups like the Klan are blamed for incidents, such as when, in 2016, three black women claimed to have been attacked by a mob of white supremacists, but the video showed that they had attacked a young white woman after an exchange of insults, while an individual responsible for torching a black church and writing '"Vote Trump!" on it 'turned out to be a black parishioner with a lengthy history of legal troubles'.

'Quite a few church burnings… Seem to have been hoaxes'. [In another case in 2017] 'the church organist who had reported the vandalism confessed to being the culprit': apparently it was an anti-Trump protest. In Florida, a black man was finally identified as the individual for faking a hate crime writing'KKK' and'Trump' over his ex-girlfriend's car before trashing it; a black Louisiana woman claimed that men in white hoods had set her on fire but 'was discovered to have actually set herself ablaze'

Trump's election seems to have inspired an entirely new category — '"Trump hate crimes"', and again 'the actual numerical majority of alleged crimes… [reported in the media]… seem to be total fakes' — a Muslim student in 2016 claims to have been accosted by three drunken white men yelling 'Donald Trump' but finally broke down and admitted to making the whole thing up to avoid confessing to her parents that she'd been out late enjoying drinking with a boyfriend. In another case, a 58-year-old black man vandalised cars and homes with slogans such as '"Trump rules"', while a bisexual student 'claimed she had been sent pieces of hate mail referring to Trump, before she was exposed as a hoaxer by a campuswide investigation'. A woman at Bowling Green State claims to have been attacked by three white men wearing Trump T-shirts, but a police check showed she was nowhere near the location, and an email search showed she had made disparaging references to poorer white Trump supporters. Another woman received a jail sentence for falsely reporting a hate crime after slashing herself across the face and claiming that a white Conservative 'angered by her anti-Brexit pin was responsible for the injury'.

There are false allegations of anti-gay and anti-Jewish crime, but these are substantially less frequent. They do happen. The owner of a well-known nightclub was arrested in 2013 after  he burned down his own gay club and wrote anti-gay slurs throughout the building and blamed it on homophobes. Again real hate crimes against LGBT Americans are common, mostly verbal abuse. This is 'in contrast to collegial "hate incidents"'. There are still hoaxes though. [More examples follow — my favourite is the head of Vassar College's Bias Incident Response Team who tagged multiple student locations with anti-tranny graffiti messages before reporting them to herself].

Apparently fake hate crimes have been around since 1988, but there is now a new twist in that whites are now reporting them too [a case in 2015 claimed that black vandals destroyed his car and wrote 'black lives matter' on the vehicle], while a Boston immigrant claim to have been attacked by three black men but made the whole thing up, a woman in Portland disfigured own face with sulphuric acid and alleged that a black man had done it — behaviour resulting from 'a combination of unresolved racial issues and "extreme narcissism"'].

His research indicates that 'anti-white hate crimes reported by whites today are, like other hate crimes, very likely to be hoaxes', and he blames the rise of the white identity movement and the growth of the alt-right. Some of these might have been inspired by minority hate-crime hoaxes.

The problem must be addressed. Prosecutors must enforce the law and we must challenge the narrative with facts, including the actual rates of real hate crime, interracial crime and police violence, in order to remove the unjustified fears of oppression. Until then, we should practice 'good old-fashioned scepticism', especially when some 'astonishingly unlikely sounding event is reported'. 'Solving the problem must begin with acknowledging its existence'.